President Emmerson Mnangagwa has long been described as a Machiavellian figure, a leader who appears as soft as wool during the day but in reality, he is cunning and has the ruthlessness of a crocodile at night.
One of the rare honest actions he may ever take is his unwitting acknowledgment of the mediocrity within his Zanu PF party. For decades, Zanu PF has venerated a culture of mediocrity, where competence is overshadowed by loyalty to power.
If President Mnangagwa embraces the 2030 agenda, then it must be interpreted for what it is, a leader who has looked within his party and gave a verdict that there is no one who can take this country forward except himself.
While president ED might be correct to assume that there is no presidential material in Zanu PF and decide to stay in power from 2028 to 2030 or even pursuing a third or fourth term if nature allows.
Yet, it begs the question: What can Mnangagwa accomplish between 2028 and 2030 that he has failed to do or not yet done since coming to power in November 2017?
Mnangagwa might not be entirely wrong when he looks around Zanu PF and sees mediocrity. For example, the party’s much-publicized Pfumvudza farming program during the 2022–2023 season was a massive failure.
Despite consuming $3 billion in public funds, the program yielded no meaningful results. It was actually better if they took the money and disburse it to different families so that they can buy food from communal farmers than waste taxpayers funds like that.
At the end of 2023, the United Nations estimated that over 2.3 million Zimbabweans required foreign food aid. This is a shocking reality for a nation with fertile soil, rivers, and dams.
Even with a mild drought in some regions, an investment of $3 billion should have ensured a decent harvest.
The economic failures extend beyond agriculture. Despite official reports boasting of GDP growth during Mnangagwa’s tenure, this supposed prosperity is invisible to the average Zimbabwean.
Civil servants including teachers, nurses, and soldiers earn less than $300 per month, forcing many into poverty.
As a matter of fact, president ED cannot simply come before the nation as say look, when I came into power a lowest paid soldier or teacher was earning $400 now after 8 years of my leadership, they are now earning $700 because the facts are not on his side.
If Zanu PF’s claims about economic growth are accurate, why hasn’t this translated into better wages or improved living conditions? Since Mnangagwa came into office, the majority of civil servants are worse off financially.
This glaring disconnect between the government’s economic rhetoric and the lived realities of citizens is emblematic of his leadership.
Zimbabwe is blessed with abundant natural resources, including gold, diamonds, platinum, chrome, and granite. However, these resources have been exploited with little benefit to ordinary citizens.
In regions like Mutoko, granite mining by foreign companies especially Chinese companies has left devastating environmental damage.
Hills and mountains that once stood as symbols of natural beauty are now barren wastelands, while local communities bear the brunt of environmental degradation and health risks.
Despite this wealth, the proceeds from these resources rarely improve the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans. Instead, they line the pockets of a select few the so-called “champagne boys,” many of whom were implicated in Al Jazeera’s Gold Mafia exposé.
Mnangagwa’s administration has done little to address this looting. His legacy is one of choosing luxury for a few over basic necessities for the many.
Zimbabweans are some of the most heavily taxed people in the world. From VAT on groceries to excise duties on airtime, fuel, alcohol, and sugar, the tax burden is stifling.
Even electricity tariffs have risen so dramatically that many families cannot afford to keep the lights on, assuming power is even available.
When all these taxes are combined, an average Zimbabwean pays over 50% of their income to the government far more than during the Mugabe era or even under colonial rule.
While governments require revenue to function, Mnangagwa’s administration has failed to channel these funds into meaningful public services. Instead, ordinary citizens are left to bear the weight of high taxes without seeing the benefits in their daily lives.
Over the past eight years, Mnangagwa has repeatedly demonstrated his priorities. He has proudly commissioned fleets of luxury cars for chiefs, senior officials, and other elites.
Yet, when has he commissioned essential medical equipment, such as dialysis machines, cancer treatment facilities, or modern laboratory tools for public hospitals?
Such glaring neglect in the healthcare sector underscores his administration’s indifference to the needs of ordinary people, I can go as far as saying that, Zanu PF policies are now anti-people.
Mnangagwa’s allies those who benefit most from his rule will undoubtedly pressure him to extend his presidency beyond 2028. For these individuals his continued leadership is essential to maintain their grip on wealth and power (kuchibata kuti dzviii).
Many of these allies, exposed in scandals like the Gold Mafia documentary, know their fortunes are tied to Mnangagwa’s presidency and some have even called the Vice President a DUNDERHEAD.
But what will Zimbabwe gain from extending his tenure? The answer is clear: nothing. The regime’s poor economic policies, coupled with rampant corruption and resource exploitation, have left the nation impoverished.
Ordinary Zimbabweans are naturally resourceful, but their entrepreneurial efforts are increasingly undermined by government encroachment into their earnings.
Mnangagwa has repeatedly proclaimed himself a constitutionalist, yet rumours of a 2030 agenda persist. If he values his legacy, he must resist the pressure from his allies and step down when his term ends.
This is not a decision for Zanu PF or the government—it is a deeply personal decision that will define his place in history. Whether Mnangagwa leaves office in 2028, 2030, or later, his legacy is already written.
He will be remembered as a leader who made Zimbabweans poorer while enriching a small elite. If he amends the constitution for his benefit, he will join the ranks of leaders judged as among the worst in Zimbabwe’s history—a competition that is, unfortunately, fierce.
