‘Elitist call for unity among opposition parties in Zimbabwe must be rejected’

The debate that opposition political parties and leaders in Zimbabwe should unite ahead of the 2028 elections is elitist in nature, focused on protecting perceived political power, fear among other leaders of jumping into political action and shows that the opposition has learnt absolutely nothing since its official formation in 1999.

Such discussion must be delayed until after the 2028 harmonized elections when each party and leader have something to offer in terms of electoral votes not perceived social status.

More so, the differences in ideologies, tactics, and strategies among opposition factions is vast as such I have come to a conclusion that the Tshabangu debacle was nothing but a tip of iceberg, there are also many advantages of maintaining separate distinct parties with a common unity of purpose of removing Zanu PF from power.

Opposition parties should focus on strengthening their individual capacities and identities before forming a coalition at least after we the people had a say in that through the ballot in 2028.

Fundamental Ideological Differences Among Opposition Parties

Opposition parties in Zimbabwe share a common goal of removing ZANU PF from power but are deeply divided by ideology and visions for governance.

For example, some leaders within the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) advocate Marxist principles as seen in Mr Ostallos and many other young leaders who came from the student’s movement Zinasu, while others, such as Mr Hwende and Mr Mafume lean toward nationalism emphasizing participation in state events to project that opposition is also “patriotic”.

Nelson Chamisa’s theocratic vision, which prioritizes the church’s major role in governance often conflicts with progressive Christian perspectives that emphasize human rights including LGBT, environmental justice, and equitable resource distribution.

These ideological differences are not trivial. They reflect competing often incompatible blueprints for Zimbabwe’s future as envisioned by opposition leaders.

Marxist ideologies emphasize state control of resources and wealth redistribution, while nationalist factions focus on sovereignty and traditional governance frameworks. Progressive Christians advocate for liberal democracy, equity, and the rule of law.

Attempting to forge unity among these factions without addressing core differences will result in a dysfunctional coalition, with more energy spent resolving internal conflicts than advancing the core mission of the opposition party which is to win power and form the next government.

The internal discord within the CCC illustrates the dangers of ignoring these differences.

Controversies over Chamisa’s leadership style and factional crises, such as the Tshabangu episode, highlight how fragile alliances can become when ideological and operational differences are overlooked.

Personality-driven politics where leaders prioritize personal ambition over collective goals, undermine trust and cooperation, making sustainable unity nearly impossible without significant groundwork.

Tactical and Strategic Differences

Opposition parties also differ significantly in their tactics and strategies for elections and governance. For example, the deployment of polling agents a critical element of electoral oversight has always been poorly done leaving a significant number of polling stations without opposition polling agents.

Some leaders like Mr Chamisa and Mrs Elisabeth Isabel Valerio among others prioritize the presidential race in 2023, while others focus on building parliamentary strength even if they are national leaders who are supposed to campaign throughout the country.

Fundraising methods and messaging styles also differ for example Mr Chamisa’s motivational rhetoric, filled with biblical references, contrasts sharply with Tendai Biti’s emphasis on economic, employment issues and social justice.

Strategically, there is no consensus on party structuring, internal elections (bereka mwana), or engagement with judicial processes, opinions differ on whether to rely on judicial channels or street activism to challenge the system when party members are unjustly arrested or targeted.

While some factions advocate a top-down leadership structure, others favour grassroots-oriented approaches.

These discrepancies suggest that unity at this stage could lead to inefficiencies and internal conflicts, undermining the opposition’s ability to effectively challenge ZANU PF and most importantly demotivate the voters who feel betrayed by the recent splits.

The Advantages of Separate Parties

Maintaining separate opposition parties offers several advantages in our political context as it allows for a diversity of ideas and approaches, giving voters a broader range of options. This diversity can attract support from constituencies traditionally loyal to ZANU PF.

For example, Mr Saviour Kasukuwere’s potential candidacy in 2028 could disrupt ZANU PF’s strongholds in Mashonaland. Similarly, smaller parties like the United Zimbabwe Alliance and the National People’s Congress, which collectively secured 1.2% of votes in 2023, could grow and play more significant roles in future elections.

Having multiple strong opposition parties also makes it harder for ZANU PF to target and undermine them. A single united party is more vulnerable to infiltration and harassment than several independent entities with distinct strategies and voter bases.

This decentralization forces ZANU PF to spread its resources thin, weakening its ability to maintain dominance.

Opposition Vote Dynamics

The idea of a singular “opposition vote” that will be split if we have stronger opposition parties is misleading and has created complacency among opposition leaders. Electoral data from 2023 highlights the precarious nature of opposition victories.

For instance, ZANU PF achieved a 94.5% victory margin in Maramba Pfungwe, while CCC narrowly won 22 urban constituencies like Hatfield and Chitungwiza with margins below 52%.

These figures show that many constituencies are vulnerable and require sustained effort to secure in 2028 harmonised elections.

Low voter registration and turnout rates also reveal an untapped electorate. In 2023, Zimbabwe had 6.6 million registered voters, but turnout was only 68.86%, leaving millions of eligible voters disengaged.

Many of these voters are disillusioned with the political system and unaffiliated with any party reaching this group requires opposition parties with each party using different strategies to target different demographics and regions.

This approach can maximize voter engagement more effectively than a centralized party.

Complacency among leaders who rely on guaranteed wins in certain areas has contributed to poor governance. In urban centres opposition leaders assume primary victories guarantee national election success, while ZANU PF adopts a similar approach in rural constituencies.

This has led to elected officials prioritizing party loyalty over service delivery. Mobilizing the disengaged electorate is crucial. Out of 11 million eligible voters, over 5 million did not participate in 2023.

These potential voters many of whom are in the diaspora or disillusioned, could be re-engaged with assurances that their participation matters.

The Kasukuwere Factor and Other Parties

Mr Saviour Kasukuwere’s potential candidacy in 2028 adds another layer to our political landscape. Although banned from contesting in 2023, he is likely to prepare for a presidential run in 2028 with or without parliamentary candidates.

If he secures more than 5% of the vote it could prevent any party (most importantly Zanu PF) from achieving a majority. Kasukuwere’s popularity in Mashonaland, where opposition parties have struggled, could disrupt ZANU PF’s dominance in its strongholds.

Smaller parties like the United Zimbabwe Alliance, National People’s Congress which got 1.2% of the votes in 2023, and Democratic Opposition Party and many other parties also have growth potential if they become more organized and serious instead of popping up during the election season.

These parties could attract millions of voters dissatisfied with both ZANU PF and mainstream opposition, playing critical roles in shaping Zimbabwe’s political future.

Building Toward Unity After 2028

Unity among opposition parties should be based on proven capacity and shared objectives, not desperation. Lessons from previous alliances, such as the MDC factions, demonstrate the risks of forming coalitions without addressing internal differences.

After the 2028 elections the performance of individual parties will reveal their strengths and weaknesses, providing a clearer foundation for unity of purpose. Parties that demonstrate the ability to win constituencies and mobilize voters will earn their place in any future coalition.

This ensures that unity is based on merit rather than expedience. The road to a democratic Zimbabwe requires careful planning and strategic action.

Opposition parties must resist the urge to unite prematurely and instead focus on building strong, distinct organizations capable of challenging ZANU PF in all 210 constituencies across the country.

After 2028, when the political landscape is clearer, discussions on unity can begin. By prioritizing the needs of ordinary Zimbabweans over internal power struggles, opposition leaders can lay the groundwork for meaningful change.

Conclusion

Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the future of their children.

We should recognise as a matter of conscience that there have been many faults and errors in our action an important number of things we should have done we have not done at the right times, or not done at all.

In various regions and indeed everywhere in a general sense political work among the people has not been done appropriately: responsible workers have not carried or have not been able to carry through the work of mobilization, formation and political organisation defined by the party leadership.

Here and there, even among responsible workers, there has been a marked tendency to let things slide . . . and even a certain demobilisation which has not been fought and eliminated…. We must practice revolutionary democracy in every aspect of our Party life.

Every responsible member must have the courage of his responsibilities, exacting from others a proper respect for his work and properly respecting the work of others.

Hide nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories…