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Zimbabwe military needs to transform from a ZANLA force to a national army

By
Tendai Ruben Mbofana
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General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, the commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) (Picture via X - @PROFESSOROFPOL3)
General Anselem Nhamo Sanyatwe, the then commander of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) (Picture via X - @PROFESSOROFPOL3)

It is a well-known fact. Every country on the planet needs a defense force to safeguard its existence. In fact, there is no nation on earth that was not founded on the back of one form of military conquest or another.

Whether we are talking of the Roman or Greek or Egyptian empires or our own Ndebele, Great Zimbabwe, Mutapa, and Rozvi kingdoms. All these owe their emergence, existence, and dominance to their military conquests.

Of course, their own demise was also at the hands of the militaries of other states, which proved stronger and mightier. As such, no one can deny the infinite importance and relevance of a nation’s military.

However, these defense forces need to be guided by one very critical principle that should govern every military under the sun. They need to protect their countries, the people, national security, and territorial integrity.

This is also a key function clearly stipulated in the Constitution of Zimbabwe, in section 212. As such, in order to effectively fulfill this most important role, the defense forces need to be apolitical, patriotic, and professional.

In other words, our security forces have to act in the interest of the nation and not of a particular political party or those in power. That is why the Constitution of Zimbabwe is quite unambiguous in this regard.

Section 208 (2) states: Neither the security services nor any of their members may, in the exercise of their functions act in a partisan manner; further the interests of any political party or cause; prejudice the lawful interests of any political party or cause; or violate the fundamental rights or freedoms of any person.

Can there be anything clearer than this?

Do we even need a constitutional law guru like Professor Lovemore Madhuku to explain further?

Nevertheless, who can deny that these constitutional provisions are frequently disregarded in our country, as our security forces openly and shamelessly serve political party interests?

Even though section 208 (1) of the supreme law mandates members of the security services to act in accordance with the Constitution and the law, there has never been a shortage of military commanders openly declaring their support for the ruling ZANU PF party.

Immediately after Zimbabwe attained its independence, over 20,000 innocent unarmed civilians in the Midlands and Matebeleland provinces were savagely massacred, in cold blood, by the 5th Brigade of the ZNA (Zimbabwe National Army).

This was largely because the ZANU PF regime wanted to totally annihilate the then opposition ZAPU party, led by Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo – whose support base was predominantly in those areas.

Who can forget the recent utterances by ZNA Commander General Anselem Sanyatwe, who unashamedly told villagers, in early July 2024, that ZANU PF would rule Zimbabwe ‘until donkeys grew horns’?

He proceeded to inform the same audience that the military –after he had told them he was speaking in his capacity as the army commander – would implement what he termed ‘command voting’.

This was undeniably the forcing of voters into voting for ZANU PF!

Of course, this was not the first time Zimbabwe military commanders had made such unprofessional and unconstitutional pronouncements.

Ahead of the 2002 presidential elections, the then ZDF (Zimbabwe Defence Forces) Commander, the late Vitalis Zvinavashe, publicly stated that the military was ready to block opposition rule even if the late opposition leader, Morgan Richard Tsvangirai, won in elections.

He clearly stated that the office of the President was a straight jacket and that no other party, except ZANU PF, was fit to lead the country.

Zvinavashe was supported by service chiefs who included then ZNA Commander and now Vice President, Constantino Chiwenga, the then Air Force Commander, the late Perrence Shiri, and the then Police Commissioner General, Augustine Chihuri.

Such brazen violations of the Constitution were what directly led to the mass killing of hundreds of opposition supporters after the 2008 presidential elections – in which the late president Robert Gabriel Mugabe lost the first round to Tsvangirai.

Not only did hundreds of opposition supporters lose their lives, but hundreds more has their hands and arms barbarically hacked off, in the most horrendous fashion, for supposedly ‘voting the wrong way’.

These are the horrible scenes we have witnessed during elections in Zimbabwe, whereby the military has been used to instil fear in citizens so as to make them vote for the ruling party.

Why has this been the case?

It would appear that the post-independence government never genuinely transformed the former guerrilla forces into a true national army.

Let us remember that the two liberation armies, ZANLA and ZIPRA, were aligned to the two nationalist parties, ZANU and ZAPU, respectively.

In so doing, they served the interests of their political parties above any other objective.

After independence in 1980, ZAPU and by default ZIPRA were effectively eliminated after the Gukurahundi genocide and 1987 Unity Accord, leaving ZANU as the dominant force in Zimbabwe.

Nonetheless, in spite of supposedly merging the three previously warring groups – ZANLA, ZIPRA, and colonial Rhodesian army – the resultant army was still predominantly ZANLA.

There were never any efforts to change the operations and mindset of the Zimbabwe defence forces to now serve the country as opposed to the party.

This is what we still witness a whole 44 years after independence.

No wonder the ZNA Commander does not see anything wrong at all, not only openly and proudly declaring his undying support for ZANU PF, but also threatening to force everyone else to do the same.

This is because we still have ZANLA forces as our country’s military, instead of a genuine national army.

We now desperately need a military that serves the interests of Zimbabwe – and not ZANU PF party and the ruling elite.

We now need a professional defence force, which respects the country’s Constitution.

● Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: [email protected], or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/

SADC timed street protests in Zimbabwe: Who could lead successful revolution?

By
Dr Mike Chipere
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File picture of Tajamuka protests in Harare, August 2016
File picture of Tajamuka protests in Harare, August 2016

The impending SADC summit which will be held in Zimbabwe on the 17th of August has generated a tense political environment in which there is suspicion by the government that the general population, democracy activists and opposition parties are planning to mount street protests to express their grievances against the disputed 2023 elections and the shrinking democratic space under Emmerson Mnangagwa.

Zimbabwe is indeed ripe for a popular revolution, however, launching and timing unguided street protests with the SADC summit seems opportunistic and oblivious of the fact that for most young Africans, SADC is just as outdated and inconsequential as the Africa Union.

Zimbabweans must be careful of yet another false revolution as the 1980 political independence and most recently the 2017 coup in which the coup planners manipulated Zimbabweans to legitimate the forced removal of Robert Mugabe from power.

These two so-called revolutions brought nothing but misery and pain for many Zimbabweans.

Considering the winds of change blowing across Africa and other parts of the world, opposition party members, pro-democracy activities or a popular revolt would pose a formidable challenge against ZANU PF misrule which include torturing civilians, and imprisonment of journalists.

Furthermore, Mnangagwa’s new dispensation sanctioned the involvement of the Zimbabwe army in politics through the 2017 coup which they deemed was not a coup, therefore, another coup by brave junior army officers cannot be reasonably excluded.

However, it is important to acknowledge the leadership vacuum across the nation. There is very little possibility that an opposition party leader, activist, or a possible internal ZANU PF rebellion could mount a successful street protest.

Therefore, in the unlikely event that unguided leaderless protests take place, it will give rise to a Southern African version of the Arab Spring which resulted in instability instead of a revolution.

Who could lead a successful revolution in Zimbabwe?

In the absence of leadership as is the case in Zimbabwe, I think the ordinary Zimbabweans could. But to do so, they must never repeat the 2017 mistake. To avert this impending disaster, they must never fall victim to personality cults and their empty rhetoric but ideas.

The next question is, what idea is worth dying for?

In my considered view, demanding for the return of all the money, wealth, and dignity stollen by political elites before and after independence is an idea worth dying for.

Its philosophical underpinnings is sharing and redistribution which has been the core foundation of the political economy of precolonial Zimbabwe and Africa as a whole.

This could be achieved through the Zimbabwe People’s Charter which I proposed a couple of years ago.

It is composed of twenty practical demands aimed at reclaiming the power, money and wealth which was either stolen or unjustly acquired by colonial and post-independence Zimbabwe elites, extractive multinational corporations, religious leaders but equally important, it proposes reparations for victims of excessive power in all its forms.

Here is a draft copy of the proposed Zimbabwe Charter.

1.          All Zimbabwe army personnel above the age of 50 years must be retired with immediate effect and not replaced until the size of the army is 50% of what it was in November 2017.
2.         All A2 farm owners must be residents at their farms and must not be in full-time employment elsewhere.
3.         The country must debate and set A2 farm sizes to about 150 arable hectares in regions one to three, the first 150ha surrounding the farmhouse must be offered to the owner before the land redistribution.
4.         All A2 farms that have not been used to full capacity in the past 10 years must be immediately reallocated but with preference given to people with traceable previous commercial farming experience regardless of their race.
5.         Municipal land exceeding 20ha (owned by individuals or registered companies that employ less than 100 permanent staff) must be forfeited to the city council.
6.         99% annual taxation must be charged on the market value of all valuable domestic movable and immovable property that exceeds four municipal houses and four cars.
7.          Monthly bedroom tax must be charged on all house rooms exceeding 15 unless the property is registered and operating as a business with auditable tax returns.
8.         All beneficiaries of the war victim’s compensation fund must be reassessed by an independent organisation. Funds inappropriately disbursed must be repaid in US dollars or equivalent in both movable and immovable property.
9.         All property lost through the indigenisation policies or other means other than a fair market exchange must be returned to its original owners by those who either stole it or benefited by other means.
10.      99% income tax must be charged on a fraction of salaries or wages that exceed $60 000 per year backdated to 2009. $60 000 is 10 times more than the amount required to support a family of five.
11.       Constitutional amendment must follow constitutional enactment procedures.
12.       All (past and present) donations or payments made to churches, faith and traditional healers must be refundable when demanded by the donor/payer at any time.
13.       Compulsory employment of all skilled and qualified disabled people by all Zimbabwe stock exchange listed companies in proportion to their market capitalisation.
14.       Multiple directorships of publicly listed companies and other corporations with an annual turnover that exceeds $1-million must be banned.
15.       Traditional leadership — chiefs and headmen — must be subject to elections every 10 years.
16.       All university degrees awarded by unregistered foreign and local universities and honorary degrees awarded by Zimbabwean universities after 2000 must be respectively invalidated and withdrawn.
17.       The Chihambakwe commission Gukurahundi report and the Entumbane report written by Justice Enoch Dumbutshena must be publicised to allow victims to decide on appropriate reparation.
18.      A conditional grant must be paid to people over the age of 65; orphans, unemployed disabled and all inhabitants of region five regardless of citizenship five years after the 1923 general elections.
19.       Zimbabwe insurance companies must be compelled to comply with the Justice Smith commission, which established that they owe pensioners $4-billion and which they have refused to pay out.
20.      Displaced Zimbabweans in the diaspora must be allowed to vote

It is very unlikely that the proposed Zimbabwe People’s Charter could be implemented by existing opposition parties or the current president Mnangagwa, but if ordinary Zimbabweans manage to find each other by successfully improving on and ratifying the proposed Charter, their future leaders will emerge from that process.

Once accepted and ratified by the people, the Zimbabwe People’s Charter would then be enforced through various means which include a peaceful revolution, elections and since the democratic space has been shrunk, another coup remains a viable option.

The Charter might look simplistic to some but in essence, it puts power in ordinary people’s hands by demanding a rightful inheritance, money, wealth, power, and humanity stollen largely by those who colonized us, and by those who claim to have liberated Zimbabwe and its people from colonial rule.

It is possible that I might be abducted, imprisoned, tortured, or killed for this piece but if the idea of taking back our stollen inheritance takes hold, I will welcome my death and suffering a thousand times.

Zimbabwe is ripe for a revolution, by the people for the people.

The state of Zimbabwe’s education system and the need for industrial placements for unexperienced lecturers

By
Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi
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Engineer Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi (Picture by Innovation Village.co.zw)
Engineer Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi (Picture by Innovation Village.co.zw)

Education is often heralded as the cornerstone of national development, a tool that empowers individuals, fosters innovation, and drives economic growth.

In Zimbabwe, a nation with a rich history of educational achievement, the state of its education system remains a topic of significant concern.

The challenges facing Zimbabwe’s education system have been exacerbated by economic instability, political turbulence, and a myriad of social issues.

Amid these challenges, a compelling argument has emerged: lecturers who have never worked outside academia should undergo industrial placements or industrial attachments.

I will explore the current state of education in Zimbabwe, the rationale behind this argument, and the potential benefits of such a policy.

Zimbabwe’s education system has long been regarded as one of the most advanced in Africa. Following independence in 1980, the government prioritized education, leading to rapid expansion and increased access to schooling at all levels.

The literacy rate soared, and Zimbabwe became known for producing some of the continent’s best-educated citizens.

However, the economic downturn that began in the late 1990s had a profound impact on education. Hyperinflation, currency collapse, and a shrinking economy led to decreased funding for education, deteriorating infrastructure, and a significant brain drain as educators left the country in search of better opportunities. The once-celebrated education system began to crumble under the weight of these challenges.

Today, Zimbabwe’s education system is beset by numerous challenges, many of which stem from the country’s prolonged economic difficulties.

These challenges include inadequate funding, poor infrastructure, low morale among teachers and lecturers, and a curriculum that often fails to meet the needs of the modern job market.

The Zimbabwean government’s ability to fund education has been severely compromised by its economic struggles. Schools and universities often operate on shoestring budgets, resulting in a lack of resources, outdated textbooks, and poorly maintained facilities.

This has a direct impact on the quality of education, as students are unable to access the tools they need to succeed.

Many educational institutions in Zimbabwe are in a state of disrepair. Classrooms are overcrowded, and basic amenities such as electricity, clean water, and sanitation are often lacking.

This environment is not conducive to learning and further demoralises both students and educators.

The morale of educators in Zimbabwe is at an all-time low. Salaries are meager, and many teachers struggle to make ends meet. This has led to widespread absenteeism, as teachers seek additional sources of income.

Furthermore, the profession has lost its appeal to the younger generation, who see little incentive to enter a field that offers such limited financial rewards and professional growth.

One of the most critical issues facing Zimbabwe’s education system is the disconnect between the curriculum and the demands of the job market.

Many graduates leave university with degrees that do not align with the skills required by employers. This has led to high levels of graduate unemployment and underemployment, as well as a growing sense of frustration among young people.

In light of these challenges, the argument for requiring lecturers who have never worked outside academia to undergo industrial placements or industrial attachments is compelling.

This proposal is rooted in the need to bridge the gap between academia and industry, ensuring that educators are better equipped to prepare students for the realities of the job market.

Lecturers who have only ever worked within academia may lack practical knowledge of how their subject matter is applied in the real world.

While they may be well-versed in theoretical concepts, they might not fully understand the practical challenges and nuances that professionals face in their respective fields.

Industrial placements would provide these lecturers with firsthand experience, allowing them to bring a more practical and relevant perspective to their teaching.

For example, a lecturer in engineering who has never worked in the industry may not be aware of the latest technological advancements or the specific challenges faced by engineers in the field.

By undergoing an industrial placement, this lecturer would gain insights that could significantly enhance their teaching, making it more relevant and applicable to the needs of their students.

There is often a significant disconnect between what is taught in universities and what is required in the job market. This gap can be attributed, in part, to the lack of industry experience among lecturers.

By participating in industrial placements, lecturers can develop a better understanding of industry needs and trends, which can then inform their teaching and curriculum development.

This alignment between academia and industry is crucial in a country like Zimbabwe, where graduate unemployment is a major concern. If lecturers are more attuned to the demands of the job market, they can better prepare their students for employment, thereby reducing the mismatch between graduates’ skills and employers’ expectations.

Ultimately, the goal of industrial placements for lecturers is to improve the overall quality of education in Zimbabwe. When lecturers have a deeper understanding of the practical applications of their subject matter, they can deliver more engaging and relevant lessons. This not only benefits students but also enhances the reputation of educational institutions.

Improved education quality can also lead to better student outcomes, including higher employment rates for graduates. As lecturers become more effective in their teaching, students are more likely to develop the skills and knowledge needed to succeed in the job market.

Industrial placements can also foster a culture of lifelong learning among educators. In a rapidly changing world, it is essential for lecturers to continuously update their knowledge and skills.

By engaging with industry, lecturers can stay abreast of the latest developments in their field, ensuring that their teaching remains current and relevant.

This culture of lifelong learning can have a ripple effect throughout the education system, encouraging students to adopt the same mindset.

As students see their lecturers actively engaging with industry and continuously improving their skills, they are more likely to appreciate the value of lifelong learning and apply it to their own careers.

While the benefits of industrial placements for lecturers are clear, implementing such a policy in Zimbabwe would not be without its challenges. These challenges must be carefully considered to ensure the successful integration of industrial placements into the education system.

One of the primary challenges in implementing industrial placements for lecturers is identifying suitable industry partners who are willing and able to host educators.

In a struggling economy like Zimbabwe’s, many industries may not have the capacity or resources to accommodate lecturers for extended periods.

It will be crucial to establish partnerships with industries that are willing to invest in the development of educators and recognise the long-term benefits of such collaboration.

Another significant challenge is the logistical and financial constraints associated with industrial placements. Lecturers may need to take time off from their regular teaching duties to participate in placements, which could disrupt the academic calendar and place additional strain on already overburdened institutions. Furthermore, funding for these placements may be limited, particularly in a context where educational budgets are already stretched thin.

To address these challenges, it may be necessary to explore alternative models for industrial placements, such as short-term or part-time placements that allow lecturers to continue their teaching duties while gaining industry experience.

Additionally, funding could be sought from external sources, such as international organizations or private sector partners, to support the implementation of this policy.

For industrial placements to be effective, they must be carefully aligned with the academic goals of the lecturers and the institutions they represent.

It is essential to ensure that the placements are relevant to the subjects being taught and that the skills and knowledge gained can be directly applied in the classroom.

This requires close collaboration between educational institutions and industry partners to design placements that meet the needs of both parties.

Regular evaluation and feedback mechanisms should also be established to assess the impact of the placements on teaching quality and student outcomes.

If successfully implemented, the policy of requiring industrial placements for unexperienced lecturers could have a transformative impact on Zimbabwe’s education system.

The potential benefits extend beyond individual lecturers and students to the broader educational landscape and the economy as a whole.

One of the most significant potential impacts is the enhanced employability of graduates. By aligning academic curriculum with industry needs, lecturers can better prepare students for the job market, increasing their chances of finding meaningful employment after graduation.

This, in turn, can help address the high levels of graduate unemployment that currently plague Zimbabwe.

Education is a critical driver of economic development, and by strengthening the link between education and industry, Zimbabwe can foster a more dynamic and innovative economy.

As lecturers gain industry experience and bring this knowledge back to the classroom, they can help cultivate a new generation of graduates who are not only knowledgeable but also equipped with the practical skills needed to drive economic growth.

Finally, the successful implementation of industrial placements for lecturers could raise the profile of Zimbabwe’s educational institutions, both locally and internationally.

As the quality of education improves and graduates become more competitive in the global job market, Zimbabwean universities and colleges could regain their reputation as centers of excellence in education.

Zimbabwe’s education system is at a critical juncture. While the challenges facing the system are formidable, they also present an opportunity for reform and innovation.

The proposal to require lecturers who have never worked outside academia to undergo industrial placements is one such innovation that holds the potential to significantly improve the quality of education in Zimbabwe.

For more details please WhatsApp Eng Jacob Kudzayi Mutisi

Zimbabwean arrested for stealing Nelson Mandela’s grandson’s R2m Land Cruiser

By
Staff Reporter
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Nelson Mandela’s grandson and Member of Parliament, Mandla Mandela (Picture via GCIS) and the 42-year-old Zimbabwean suspect and the stolen Land Cruiser in the Lebowakgomo policing area outside Polokwane. Image: SAPS/Facebook
Nelson Mandela’s grandson and Member of Parliament, Mandla Mandela (Picture via GCIS) and the 42-year-old Zimbabwean suspect and the stolen Land Cruiser in the Lebowakgomo policing area outside Polokwane. Image: SAPS/Facebook

Police in South Africa arrested a 42-year-old Zimbabwean man for allegedly stealing a car worth R2 million from Nelson Mandela’s grandson and Member of Parliament, Mandla Mandela.

TimesLIVE reports that police in Limpopo thwarted the attempt to smuggle the Land Cruiser across the border into Zimbabwe.

Provincial police commissioner Lt-Gen Thembi Hadebe is quoted commending the swift response of the members of the anti-smuggling task team.

“The vehicle, stolen on Thursday afternoon at a parking lot in Menlyn Mall in Pretoria, was on its way to being smuggled into Zimbabwe when the suspect was apprehended later in the evening in Lebowakgomo policing area outside Polokwane.

“A 42-year-old Zimbabwean national was charged with possession of a presumed stolen motor vehicle and contravention of the Immigration Act after it was established that he was in the country illegally,” Hadebe said.

Mandela meanwhile spoke to DispatchLIVE telling them; “We express gratitude and gratefulness to the Almighty for the recovery of our vehicle …

“The phenomenon of vehicle theft, kidnappings, and hijackings that have proliferated over the past few years poses serious challenges for our safety and security and results in so much emotional trauma.

“We must all work together with law enforcement and all in the security cluster to make South Africa safer for all,” he said.

The Zimbabwean suspect is expected to appear in the Polokwane Magistrate’s Court today (August 12).

Luke-ing the Beast in the Eye: A nation of heroes

By
Luke Tamborinyoka
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Luke Tamborinyoka is a citizen from Domboshava. He is a journalist and an ardent political scientist by profession.
Luke Tamborinyoka is a citizen from Domboshava. He is a journalist and an ardent political scientist by profession.

Today, Zimbabweans commemorate Heroes Day; that hallowed day when national valour is honoured and cherished on our land.

It is that day when we remember, salute and commemorate the huge sacrifice that went into liberating this country from the yoke of racism, repression, oppression, indignity and colonialism.

Sadly, and probably in fulfilment of a grotesque and atavistic 100 percent local content mantra, a wholly indigenous criminal elite has taken over the country.

Indeed, 44 years after our purported national independence, the plunder and repression of the citizens is now fully indigenized as local colonialists who go by the moniker of Vene have taken over the entirety of the State and its vast mineral wealth.

This year we commemorate (not celebrate) this day like no other. For this year’s day of valour comes when the unarmed heroic citizens of our land are facing serious threats from those that purportedly liberated them.

We are commemorating this great day of national gallantry when the innocent citizens of this great country are being abducted, bludgeoned, brutalised and harassed by their own government.

The innocent victims of this Piranha State that are currently languishing in prison include a one-year old baby and a young but committed democracy activist prayerfully named Namatai.

They are heroes.

Namatai is being persecuted for a concocted crime committed while she was out of the country. At this rate, the regime could even arrest my 12 year-old daughter Lee Anne for a fictitious crime committed 24 years ago during the 2000 referendum when she was still to set foot into this world!

The rogue regime is in serious panic mode ahead of the forthcoming SADC summit and has petrifiably gone gung-ho against its own citizens.

Military tanks have been deployed into the townships to strike fear into the hearts of the citizens. The regime fears the citizens might take to the streets to remind the SADC leaders that the last election was a farce and that Mr Emmerson Mnangagwa, the incoming SADC chairperson, was not legitimately elected as President, as affirmed by the regional body’s own observer mission.

The huge milieu of intelligence officers, armed soldiers and police officers harassing and arresting citizens on the streets and the spectre of unbridled avarice and unmitigated corruption in the ruling elite have all conspired to betray and expose the murderous and clueless lot steering the ship of the State.

Now they have deployed soldiers to threaten innocent citizens in the townships.

Tomorrow is Defence Forces Day and perhaps a short message in that regard will suffice.

The Zimbabwe Offensive Force (ZOF)

Instead of being defensive, our Defence Forces have ironically become an Offensive Force against the very citizens they are supposed to protect.

The ruling elite probably feels rolling out the military tanks into the streets represents a massive show of power.

However, my other life as a political scientist has given me invaluable insight into the evolving notion of power as a political concept.

Hard power as expressed through traditional military force is no longer relevant in all situations. Power has largely shifted from its traditional condign, brutal expression through guns and armies to the benign realm of charm, diplomacy, non-violence and persuasion.

Indeed, the world has largely moved from hard power to embrace the utility of soft power and smart power. The world in the brave 21st century has moved from coercion to persuasion, from harm to charm, from hard power to soft power especially in situations involving local citizens.

Armies can only be used in situations involving hostile foreign States but you cannot use the army against your own citizens.

The notion of hard power as expressed through guns, gunfire, batons, tear smoke and military tanks is no longer in vogue.

Analogue Mnangagwa does not know that in this brave digital age, any regime that rains live bullets on defenceless citizens legitimately shouting to be heard will invoke a torrent of international outrage and condemnation.

It was Armitage and Nye (2007) who posited that while militaries were well-suited to fighting States, they are often poor instruments in fighting ideas. One can’t use the military to contain ideas.

And in Zimbabwe, the desire for change is a big idea now so deeply embedded in the national psyche and it cannot be fought by traditional weapons such as guns, batons and tear smoke.

You may deploy military tanks into Chitungwiza, Nguboyenja and Budiriro but that will neither quench nor snuff out the citizens’ desire for change.

Martin van Creveld (1991), in his seminal work titled The Transformation of War, makes a poignant argument about the futility of using traditional weapons in the evolving arena of dissent and conflict.

And someone must tell this analogue regime that you don’t kill poor people to fight poverty; that military power and brute force are unsuitable weapons to fight ideas and opinions.

The fast-changing world has proved to be quite a challenge to rogue governments such as the Mnangagwa regime whose fixation and dalliance with State-led violence for political survival remains archaically Machiavellian, if not Fanonian.

Like the dinosaur, rogue regimes such as ours are inextricably caught up in a time warp. They run the very serious risk of extinction due to their failure to adapt to a dynamic and rapidly changing world.

The world has now embraced the utility of soft power. Those still stuck up in the age-old penchant for using military prowess to solve every problem will find it difficult to cope in this brave century of twitter, Instagram and other social media tools.

These tools and platforms have become a form of soft power. And these modern tools have become useful weapons for repressed citizens fighting for change

How do you fight ideas using bullets and rockets|? How do you fight the social media and their users using an AK 47? Just how do you cope with complex nuances that don’t call for violence but that have a huge potential of changing the world and redefining human circumstances?

This explains why simple, non-violent expressions have left indelible footprints in the history of social and political struggles.

Simple gestures of soft power cannot be contained by guns and brute military force.

She did not carry a gun and neither could a gun be used against her, but on Thursday, 1 December 1955, Rosa Parks, a black simple taylor’s assistant sparked the famous Montgomery bus boycott when she refused to stand for white passengers as was the norm in the USA then.

The black woman refused to stand up and cede her bus seat for her white compatriots in a solemn historical gesture that engendered a tectonic historical impact and forever redefined governance in America. Rosa remained glued to her seat and refused to stand up for whites.

She remained seated so that the dignity of the black people could stand again!

The simple gesture by Rosa Parks phenomenally challenged the racist status quo and the United States would never be the same again

To my cowardly compatriots in Harare, the lesson from Rosa is that sometimes it is the simple non-violent gestures that can change our lived circumstances in a gargantuan, seismic way.

Let me leave it at that.

A nation of heroes

So today we commemorate this Heroes Day with the world’s eyes firmly trained on Zimbabwe because of the brutality being meted out on the innocent citizens of our country.

It is only the innocent civilians and human rights defenders that are being targeted while the criminal elite led by one Wicknell “My Son” Chivayo are roaming the country scot free under the protection of the State.

While the criminals and the villains are celebrating, this Heroes Day must be a day of serious reflection, not least because of the State-led violence by our erstwhile liberators but because of the reconsideration, renewed calculus and the deeper reflection that must necessarily happen on such epic days.

I have often said the biggest national folly over the years has been to regard heroism as only limited and confined to the sacrifice associated with our liberation struggle, which has been betrayed anyway.

As a nation, we ought to seriously reflect on this monumental handicap.

Heroes Day should be a day to celebrate national heroism in all areas of endeavour including sport, the arts and other non-political vocations.

Even the new heroes that have emerged in our current political struggle to complete the unfinished business of our sacred war of liberation also deserve recognition.

True, our national war of liberation will remain an epic chapter in our national story considering that our national independence did not come cheap.

Zimbabweans—both villagers and the liberation war fighters—combined as fish and water to swim the nation to political independence in April 1980.

It will always remain a unique tale of national heroism that this country waged a brutal war of liberation to subdue racist and colonial repression.

But the tragedy is that we have narrowed this great day to the sole celebration of only our political achievement, which achievement has now been betrayed by this criminal lot now leading us.

Yet heroism is not just political. As a nation, we have exhibited and displayed valour in many other spheres that ought to be included in these moments that we cherish national heroism.

This fixation with gallantry as depicting only the story of our liberation struggle has led to the tragic folly in which an organ of a political party determines and declares heroes in our country.

Only recently, our national rugby team, the Sables, won a big trophy when they became the champions of Africa. Yet there was no single government official to welcome them at the airport when they brought home that coveted continental trophy.

This is because we have been made to mistakenly think heroism is about politics and that heroes are only found in Zanu PF.

And yet the Sables were supposed to be feted as national heroes. It takes great personal and collective valour to win such a big trophy when you are from Zimbabwe, given our collapsed sport infrastructure and the epic cluelessness of our Minister of Sports.

True heroism, even if a nation decides to go for declaring it, should have such declaration and conferment done by an impartial, non-partisan, multi-stakeholder national committee that looks at excellence beyond our war of liberation.

And even if politics were to be the yardstick of heroism—which it should not–heroes are not necessarily found in Zanu PF. All those patriotic Zimbabweans including Ndabaningi Magigwana Sithole, Edgar Zivanai Tekere and Morgan Richard Tsvangirai are national heroes.

It is a travesty of history that they have not been duly recognised as such. .

You may sit in your motley political group called the Politburo and claim to be “declaring” national heroes. Yet the truth is that true heroism is never declared or conferred by anyone.

True heroism is attained in one’s lifetime; it is the cherished memories human beings leave behind in the course of the tenuous journeys of their lives.

Nelson Mandela died a few years ago and was buried in his home village of Qunu, not in any special acre or hectare reserved for heroes.

Yet world leaders, including the then US President Barack Obama and our own Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai descended on that village as the world saluted the global icon.

No politburo-style body sat anywhere to confer Madiba with any hero status. But his funeral in that village grabbed world attention and left no one under any shadow of doubt that true heroism is never conferred. It imposes itself.

As Zimbabwe celebrates Heroes’ Day today, we must reflect on whether we are doing justice in the way we cherish national excellence.

One would have thought this is the moment to celebrate our country’s sons and daughters in all spheres whose works and capabilities have shone through the mediocrity of our time.

You don’t need to be dead first for you to be feted as a national hero. And heroes go beyond the narrow sector of politics!

We all have our frailties as mortal human beings but I will hazard a personal view and say today we ought to be celebrating our national heroes such as George Shaya, Shacky Tauro, Peter Ndlovu, Madinda Ndlovu, Willard Mashinkila Khumalo, Moses Chunga, Winky D, Thomas Mapfumo, Alick Macheso, Byron, Wayne and Cara Black.

On Oliver Mtukudzi, we did well by granting him the highest national honour.

Indeed, Heroes Day should be broadened for the nation to spare a thought for Proud “Kilimanjaro” Chinembiri, Alfonso Zvenyika, Jairos Jiri, Margaret Dongo and the many sons and daughters of this great land whose achievements we must all cherish across the racial, political, religious and ethnic divide.

Heroes’ day should be about celebrating the broad successes and achievements of this nation’s sons and daughters in their various zones of distinction.

Given our painful national moment, I wish to conclude by saying today should be about celebrating every Zimbabwean within and outside the country.

Indeed, we are a nation of heroes and heroines.

When you have millions of people slugging out a living every day with whole families surviving on less than US35 cents a day, they are heroes.

The rest of us are vendors and small-time traders, honestly earning a living through the rigours of honest, hard work. Our daily grind may have been curtailed by a regime afraid of demonstrations but vendors and all informal traders are national heroes.

Those millions who survive by selling wares on the pavements of our cities need to be celebrated today. They chose a life of honesty and hard work.

Indeed, they are national heroes.

Millions have left the country to do menial jobs in the Diaspora but collectively, they remit billions of dollars every year that are aiding national sustenance.

They are national heroes.

Those old men and women in the villages scrounging for food handouts without raising a whimper of the indignity of it all are true national heroes.

Those remaining workers in the few formal companies still operating are national heroes. They are honestly working and praying for a new dawn for the country that they love.

While the elite in government are on an unrestrained spree of looting the country’s vast wealth, the patriots in the civil service who toil every day and wait patiently for inadequate tokenism at the end of the month deserve to be celebrated today.

Not everyone is in the cockpit of power and can afford fleecing taxpayers as is the case with the few connected, particularly Mnangagwa’s inner circle and the kleptocratic lot in the Office of the President and Cabinet. The rest of us are hard-working, valiant citizens who continue to work and live honestly in the hope that tomorrow will be a better day.

We are all part of this nation of heroes.

Today I particularly take note of the unarmed Zimbabweans in the townships and especially the opposition members, trade unionists and human rights defenders that have been arrested, tortured and brutalised by this regime

They are national heroes.

To Mr Mnangagwa and his criminal and corrupt elite in government, I can only say all political power has an expiry date.

Indeed, tomorrow is another day.

To my fellow countrymen, perhaps the time to show our ultimate heroism has come.

We must now confront this dictatorship that is looting our national treasure and our national wealth while the rest of us suffer.

As ED himself said last week, we must all be constitutionalists. And section 59 of the national Constitution must be our avenue for a sonorous collective national expression!

After all, we are a nation of heroes!

Luke Tamborinyoka is a citizen from Domboshava. You can interact with him on his Facebook page or via the X handle @ luke_tambo.

Crackdown on Dissenters: Teaching the Tortoise to Hurry in Zimbabwe – Report

By
Zim Dem Institute
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Three pro-democracy activists arrested at the Harare Airport in July 2024 were forced off the plane (Picture via Social Media)
Three pro-democracy activists arrested at the Harare Airport in July 2024 were forced off the plane (Picture via Social Media)

The primary aims and objectives of the Zim-agora are:

1) Critical Analysis: To provide a platform for critical analysis of Zimbabwean political economy questions, particularly in the context of elite succession contestations within the ruling ZANU-PF party and the broader securocratic state.

2) Public Discourse: To foster public discourse on topical issues such as corruption, climate change diplomacy, public policy, human rights, and democracy within the framework of transitology political discourses and narrative shaping.

3) Empirical and Theoretical Grounding: To offer an empirically, theoretically, and locally grounded window into the Zimbabwean political economy, interrogating recent movements within the security sector and their implications for stability and sustainability.

4) Weekly Think-Tanking Papers: To produce weekly think-tanking papers that provide critical analysis of current political economy questions, power configurations within the party-state-military-business complex, and the roles of opposition and civil society organizations.

5) Democratic Space: To tackle the shrinking democratic space in Zimbabwe and explore pathways to transition and improve human life from the ills of a securocratic state.

Crackdown on Dissenters: Teaching the Tortoise to Hurry in Zimbabwe

Introduction

A walk through the cities of Zimbabwe, a nation renowned for its resilient spirit and peace-loving nature, reveals a grotesque political atmosphere where intensified state crackdown on dissenters is unfolding.

In street corners, commuter bus ranks, and vegetable marketplaces, whispers of state brutality grow louder day by day.

Fuming, citizens discuss reports of the brutal arrest and detention of 78 opposition members on 16 June, 2024, along with the latest 31 July, 2024, arrest and torture of four human rights defenders: Robson Chere, Namatai Kwekweza, Samuel Gwenzi, and Vusumuzi Sibanda.

This crackdown on opposition and human rights defenders during the SADC Industrialization Week has been glaring and brazenly daring in the state’s disregard for constitutional rights and democratic norms.

It has also shaken the key African values of Hunhu/Ubuntu—the very foundations upon which the republic is glued together.

In African hunhu/ubuntu culture, it is taboo for a man of the house to chastise a child or quarrel with his wife in front of visitors.

No matter the cause, disputes are resolved peacefully and amicably to show hospitality and reverence not only to the important guest but also to preserve the family name from consequential bad publicity.

This is a Common Moral Position (CMP), establishing the foundation of African society.3 Hunhu/ubuntu are basic norms “… that flow within African notions of existence and epistemology in which the two constitute a wholeness and oneness.”

However, the government’s glaring defiance of the two foundations of society – constitutional norms and culture – has cast a dark shadow over the country’s public posture, its culture, and its democratic aspirations.

The Zimbabwe Democracy Institute’s argument is that the crackdown is a political legitimacy deficiency syndrome, the symptoms of later stages of a decaying social contract upon which the very existence of government, and consequently the state, lies.

In this Zim-agora, we diagnose the underlying problem symptomized by this crackdown, exploring its implications on the social contract, the legitimacy of the state, and the future of Zimbabwe.

Through a blend of critical analysis and tapping into African knowledge systems, we delve into how a traditionally peace-loving and risk-averse populace is being pushed against the wall in undemocratic ways.

The metaphor of teaching a tortoise to hurry aptly captures the absurdity and urgency of the situation, as the state’s heavy-handed tactics inadvertently fuel the very unrest they seek to suppress.

Join us as we navigate this intricate landscape, shedding light on the erosion of legitimacy and the unintended consequences of a securocratic state’s desperate bid to maintain control.

The Anatomy of a Crackdown: Lessons from Mugabe’s Last Days

The recent onslaught against the opposition and civil society activists is best understood within the context of a securocratic state—a state that prioritizes regime security over citizens’ rights and demands, using coercive state apparatus to forcefully coerce its political rivals into submission or elimination.

It is within this state context that the crackdowns are deployed for regime survival. Three key strategies are observably deployed to achieve this end.

First is the criminalization of dissent. In recent years, the Zimbabwean government has systematically targeted opposition leaders, journalists, and activists using the coercive state apparatus to protect the ruling elite’s survival.

For instance, journalist Hopewell Chin’ono was arrested in July 2020 after exposing a multimillion-dollar COVID-19- related corruption case.

Political activist Jacob Ngarivhume was arrested in July 2020 for calling for a nationwide protest against government corruption, and opposition leader Job Sikhala spent months in prison for his political views.

Second is use of coercive state apparatus for the suppression of protests. The state has frequently used excessive force to disperse protests.

Examples include the violent crackdown on August 1, 2018, protests against the delayed release of election results, which resulted in civilians being shot by the army in the capital, Harare.

The January 2019 protests against rising living costs saw the army and police deployed across the country, resulting in many deaths and brutal injuries.

Health workers protesting poor working conditions were also criminalized, with some, like Peter Magombeyi, being abducted and tortured.

Third is the use of lawfare, solidified through the enactment of the “Patriotic Bill,” which further criminalizes dissent.

As argued earlier, a ruling elite that survives through these tactics suffers from a political legitimacy deficiency syndrome—the symptoms of later stages of a decaying social contract upon which the very existence of government, and consequently the state, lies.

The social contract between the state and its citizens in Zimbabwe has entered later stages of decay. The government’s reliance on security forces to maintain order highlights a lack of trust and legitimacy—the two values needed to run a democratic republic.

The political legitimacy refers to a voluntary support given by citizens to the political system by virtue of being perceived to be the rightful authority.6 Where the ruling elite rely of force and coercion to enforce policy, it is a sign that they have lost their legitimacy.

The legitimacy of the securocratic state and the ruling elite, has been eroded by various factors, such as the decline in electoral support, the deterioration of the rule of law, the violation of human rights, the closure of the civic and democratic space, the disputed elections, the endemic corruption, the poor service delivery, the economic collapse, and the social unrest.

The erosion of the social contract has been evident in successive disputed elections, reports of biased electoral management bodies populated with loyalists of the ruling Zanu PF elites, deployment of quasi-securocratic entities like the Forever Associates Zimbabwe (FAZ) to interfere with the electoral processes, and the deployment of the police to block opposition campaigns detailed in the SADC and EU Election Observer Missions’ reports, among others.

These are telltale signs of a ruling class that knows it cannot win a free contest for power, as it has lost the trust of the citizens.

The deployment of the army and the crackdown on dissent are indicative of a government more concerned with preserving its power than addressing the needs and aspirations of its people.

Thus, the recent deployment of security forces to quell possible protests is a clear indication of the government’s intent to maintain control and suppress any form of dissent, as it is likely to lead to citizens’ transition agency.

This move reflects deep-seated fears within the ruling elite about potential uprisings and public protests. The heavy-handed approach is reminiscent of the tactics employed during Robert Mugabe’s final days in power, where government reshuffles and crackdowns were used to quell opposition and maintain a grip on power.

Lack of Elite Consensus and Fear of Internal Implosion

The current attacks on civil liberties are not merely responses to external threats but also reflect internal fissures within the ruling party. Infighting and power struggles have created an atmosphere of paranoia, leading to preemptive measures to prevent any faction from hijacking public protests.

These internal fissures within the ruling Zanu PF party are evident in their nationwide political activities promoting President Mnangagwa’s continued stay in power until 2030, despite constitutional provisions (i.e., sections 91 and 328 (7)) that prohibit him from remaining in power for more than two terms ending in 2028.

This is encapsulated in a slogan popularized by President Mnangagwa’s allies in Masvingo and Midlands provinces: “2030, VaMnangagwa vanenge vachipo vachitonga,” meaning “in 2030, President Mnangagwa will still be there, ruling.”

Discrediting the slogan, Zanu PF National Political Commissar Mike Bimha stated in April 2024 that the new slogan calling for the extension of President Mnangagwa’s tenure beyond 2028 is not recognized by the party. He argued:

The commissariat never said we have a new slogan. I don’t know. It didn’t come from the commissariat… People are free to express themselves in their own way. I want to suppose that they are saying in 2030 VaMnangagwa will still be alive and I think it’s a good wish for him to be still alive even beyond that. There is no problem with that… Zanu PF follows the Constitution. Elections come every five years. We had elections and we won those elections. Elections will come again in 2028 and we will win anyway. That is where we are.

At a recent Zanu PF gathering in Chikomba, Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga refrained from chanting the slogan, in sharp contrast to elites who had spoken ahead of him and chanted it.

This division at the upper echelons of the party is a product of fear and uncertainty, as different factions vie for control and influence.

Thus, the crackdown on opposition and civil society is a strategy to dissuade them from identifying and exploiting this emerging critical juncture, which many scholars identify as a cracking point in the life cycle of an authoritarian regime.11 Early identification and strategic input by opposition and democracy defenders have historically led to democratic transitions in authoritarian regimes.

Each faction within the elite is wary of the other teaming up with the opposition and civil society to gain control of state power. Lessons from the last days of Robert Mugabe’s rule are worth reiterating.

In November 2017, a similar critical juncture occurred when the faction aligned with current President Mnangagwa teamed up with the military, civil society, and the opposition to capture state power from the late President Mugabe.

African history is rich with case studies showing that once a power transition through a coup d’état occurs successfully, successive transitions are likely to follow suit, as military takeover becomes revered as the most effective means to state power.

This is especially true where democratic platforms for expressing dissent and alternating power are rendered defunct by the authoritarian regime.

Opposition Dilemma: Weaknesses and Opportunities

In the wake of these developments, the role of the opposition becomes crucial for several key reasons.

First, the opposition is essential in providing citizens with an alternative pathway out of the brutal crackdowns and socio-economic hardships, rekindling the democratic dream.

By presenting a viable alternative, the opposition can inspire hope and mobilize the populace towards a more just and equitable society.

Second, the opposition must organize citizen agency into a goal-oriented movement, directing citizens’ frustrations towards the rightful targets—the state—in constitutional and democratic pathways.

This organization helps prevent the displacement of grievances, which could otherwise lead to anarchy. By channelling discontent into structured, peaceful protests and advocacy, the opposition can maintain order while pushing for change.

Third, the opposition provides structured leadership, necessary to coordinate the citizens’ movement towards resolving their grievances. Effective leadership can unify disparate groups, ensuring that efforts are cohesive and strategically sound.

However, the opposition in Zimbabwe currently faces significant challenges. It is weak and fragmented, struggling to present a united front against the ruling party.

The government’s actions have further marginalized opposition voices, making it difficult for them to mobilize and challenge the status quo.

To overcome these obstacles, the opposition needs to consolidate its various factions and present a cohesive front. This unity is crucial for gaining the trust and support of the populace.

The opposition must articulate a clear, compelling vision for the future that addresses the immediate concerns of the citizens while laying out a roadmap for long- term development and stability.

This includes engaging with communities at the grassroots level can help build a strong, loyal support base. This approach ensures that the opposition’s efforts are grounded in the real needs and aspirations of the people.

By addressing these areas, the opposition can strengthen its position and offer a viable alternative to the current regime, ultimately contributing to the restoration of democratic norms and the protection of citizens’ rights in Zimbabwe.

Training a Tortoise, the Art of Running

There is a Zimbabwean proverb that warns leaders not to teach a tortoise the art of running. This proverb metaphorically highlights the dangers of transforming peace- loving, docile, and risk-averse individuals into reckless and unpredictable beings. Such a transformation can lead to destructive extremes. To fully understand the consequences of recent crackdowns, a metaphorical analysis of the tortoise provides rich insights.

The tortoise, with its sturdy shell and slow, deliberate movements, embodies patience and resilience. Its physical appearance, characterized by a hard, protective shell and a cautious demeanor, mirrors the nature of Zimbabweans—peace-loving, risk-averse, and often slow to anger. The tortoise’s tendency to retreat into its shell when threatened is akin to the Zimbabwean populace’s initial response to oppression: a preference for peace and avoidance of conflict.

However, even the most patient creature can be pushed to its limits. Imagine scorching the sand beneath a tortoise’s feet. The heat and discomfort would eventually force it to move, albeit slowly at first. But as the intensity increases, the tortoise, driven by survival instincts, might exhibit uncharacteristic haste and aggression.

Similarly, the Zimbabwean people, when subjected to relentless oppression and violence, may transform from a state of timidity to one of chaotic dissent. The state’s heavy-handed tactics, intended to suppress opposition, could inadvertently ignite a fervent and uncontrollable pushback, much like teaching a tortoise to hurry.

The Crackdown and Worldwide Young People Dissent

When citizens suffer from tax burdens, high costs of living, joblessness, coupled with state crackdowns and the closure of democratic spaces, they can easily turn to violent opposition against the state.

In Africa, the most recent June 18, 2024 leaderless protests in Kenya, “Generation Z” which led to the rejection of the country’s 2024 Finance Bill withdraw by President Ruto on June 26, 2024, and the reshuffle of the entire Cabinet on June 11, 2024 is another case in point.

Elsewhere in Bangladesh, nationwide student engineered protests ousted the Bangladesh government from power.

However, as these case studies revealed, success of such citizens’ efforts depends on the extent of coordination and resolve of the leadership. Dollard et al (1939)’s frustration- aggression hypothesis explains that this kind of frustration may lead to aggression on two key conditions: when the chances of continued resilience towards a goal are no longer foreseeable and, when the frustration selectively targets certain groups of the population leaving others.

Currently, Zimbabweans are ranked among the most taxed citizens in Southern Africa, with almost half of their salaries lost through PAYEE and VAT taxes, in addition to a new tax burden in form of sugar tax, wealth tax, and toll tax among others. In addition, the state has been progressively closing the civic and democratic spaces of dissent including the opposition.

The arrest of 78 opposition members on 16 June 2024 and their imprisonment for several days, along with the latest 31 July 2024 arrest and torture of four human rights defenders, Robson Chere, Namatai Kwekweza, Samuel Gwenzi and Vusumuzi Sibanda has historical parallels whose outcomes were a rude awakening for the masses.

They are reminiscent of the September 1956 Southern Rhodesian state’s hike in bus fares, which led workers to spend 30 percent of their earnings on transportation coupled with existing colonial taxation tools such as the Cattle tax, Dog tax and Hut Tax introduced in the 1890s which sought to syphon wealth from the poor indigenous people to sustain the elites.

This sparked a historic boycott organized by The City Youth League and led to the formation of the formidable opposition, the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC) in 1957.

The Whitehead administration banned the SRANC in 1959 and arrested 307 leaders in Operation Sunrise.

Successor parties, the National Democratic Party (NDP), the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), were also banned, marking the beginning of a political turning point towards a confrontational violent revolution in Southern Rhodesia.14 But has Zimbabwe’s government crossed all the lines to incur the kind of aggressive reaction from the citizens?

Lessons from Zimbabwe’s History of Resistance

From the 1896-97 First Chimurenga/Umvukela to the 1964-79 Second Chimurenga/Umvukela/War of Independence in Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia), it took 67 years of resilience under the Rhodesian settler state, which “clamped down extensive repressive measures, broke the nationalists, imprisoned their leaders, and intimidated their followers… Resistance was futile and exile-based.”

It was not until the nationalists abandoned their defunct strategy and deployed the mujiba system to win the hearts of the people and be one with them that they began to be a formidable revolution.

For instance, the late retired General Mujuru, then a commander, who first trained under the Russians and later the Chinese, recalled, “In the Soviet Union, they had told us that the decisive factor of the war is weapons. When I got to Itumbi, where there were Chinese instructors, I was told that the decisive factor was the people.”

The brutal crackdowns and closure of non-violent spaces for dissent and alternative voices pushed the peace-loving and risk-averse Zimbabweans to abandon their decades-old peaceful civil disobedience means and turn to a bloody revolution against their government as a means to resolve the political and economic problems besetting them.

Two key observations are noteworthy. First, the nationalist opposition showed a strong resolve and resilience shown by their continued forming successive political parties after the other despite the state’s response by using law-fare to shut them down.

Second, the mediating role of opposition leadership described by the late retired General Mujuru above was very key to turning citizens’ frustrations into aggressive response and directing it to the state to prevent displaced aggression.

Beyond the Crackdown: A Way Forward for Zimbabwe

The deployment of security forces and the crackdown on dissent in Zimbabwe are clear indicators of a government in crisis and huge legitimacy deficit.

The internal fissures within the ruling party, coupled with a weakened social contract and a fragmented opposition, create a volatile political landscape.

Moving forward, it is essential for all stakeholders to engage in dialogue and work towards rebuilding trust and legitimacy. Only through inclusive and participatory processes can Zimbabwe hope to achieve lasting stability and progress.

As we continue to monitor the situation, it is crucial to remain vigilant and analytical. Understanding the underlying causes and implications of these developments will help us navigate the complexities of Zimbabwe’s political landscape and contribute to meaningful change.

The Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI) is a politically independent and not-for-profit public policy think-tank based in Zimbabwe.

Algeria’s Imane Khelif wins gold amid gender eligibility row at Paris Olympics

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BBC News
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Imane Khelif in 2023 (Picture via ALGÉRIE PRESSE SERVICE | وكالة الأنباء الجزائرية , CC BY 3.0 , via Wikimedia Commons)
Imane Khelif in 2023 (Picture via ALGÉRIE PRESSE SERVICE | وكالة الأنباء الجزائرية , CC BY 3.0 , via Wikimedia Commons)

Imane Khelif won Olympic women’s boxing gold a year after being disqualified from the World Championships for reportedly failing a gender eligibility test.

The Algerian, amid a controversy that has overshadowed the boxing events in Paris, beat Chinese world champion Yang Liu by unanimous decision.

The 25-year-old was roared to the ring by swathes of Algerian support – who waved their green, white and red flags – and dominated the fight.

She was showboating at the bell, dancing while already knowing the victory was hers, before the pair shared a warm embrace.

When the result was confirmed, Yang raised her opponent’s arm into the air – a sharp contrast to the scenes after Khelif’s opening fight against Italy’s Angela Carini – and Khelif was then carried around a jubilant arena on the shoulders of her coach.

Carini abandoned in Khelif’s opening bout after 46 seconds, saying she had to “preserve” her life. The Algerian followed that with convincing, unanimous-decision victories to reach this stage.

This was expected to be a tougher bout – Yang represented a step-up in class – but it proved to be another clear victory.

Yang was due to face Khelif in the final of last year’s World Championship – a title Wang went on to win – but Khelif was disqualified by the International Boxing Association (IBA), meaning they did not meet.

The IBA said Khelif and Taiwanese boxer Lin Yu-ting, who contests her final on Saturday, “failed to meet the eligibility criteria for participating in the women’s competition, as set and laid out in the IBA regulations”.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC), which runs the boxing events at the Olympics, has allowed the pair to compete and strongly criticised the IBA, insisting Khelif and Lin were “born and raised as women”.

President Thomas Bach said earlier on Friday the organisation “does not like the uncertainty” but suggested there is not a “scientifically solid system” to “identify men and women”.

Many of the pair’s opponents and coaching teams have been unhappy with their involvement, however, indicating a level of discontent behind the scenes.

Carini said it “was not right” immediately after her loss to Khelif, although she later apologised for how she handled the moments after the fight. Her coach said he had advised her not to fight, saying people had told her not to “fight a man”.

Before the next round, opponent Anna Luca Hamori from Hungary said: “I don’t think it is fair”, while the Hungarian Boxing Association protested about Khelif’s inclusion. After the fight Hamori wished Khelif good luck.

Neither her semi-final opponent, Janjaem Suwannapheng, nor the Thailand’s boxer team made any direct comment on the controversy, though Suwannapheng said after the fight: “She is a woman but very strong.”

Two of Lin’s opponents, meanwhile, have made ‘X’ gestures – said to be intended to represent female chromosomes – in the ring after defeat.

Svetlana Kamenova Staneva left the arena saying “no, no, no” and made the ‘X’ sign.

Before the fight, the Bulgarian had said it was “not good for boxing”, while her boxing federation said they “strongly” opposed Lin and Khelif’s participation in Paris 2024.

After Lin’s semi-final victory over Esra Yildiz Kahraman, the Turkish fighter also made the ‘X’ sign in the centre of the ring. BBC News

Nigerian police investigate killing of transgender TikToker Abuja Area Mama

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BBC News
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Nigerian police are investigating the death of a Nigerian transgender TikToker known as “Abuja Area Mama”. (Picture via Instagram - Abuja Area Mama)
Nigerian police are investigating the death of a Nigerian transgender TikToker known as “Abuja Area Mama”. (Picture via Instagram - Abuja Area Mama)

Nigerian police are investigating the death of a Nigerian transgender TikToker known as “Abuja Area Mama”.

The beaten and bruised body of 33-year-old transgender woman was found along a highway in the capital, Abuja, on Thursday, local media report.

Abuja Area Mama had a loyal fan base on social media, where she posted about being transgender and her life as a sex worker. She never used her full name, referring to herself sometimes as Ifeanyi.

Nigeria is a deeply conservative society and people who step outside the norms are often targeted. Last year the TikToker told of how she had been attacked and feared for her life.

Same-sex relationships are criminalised in Africa’s most-populous nation and many LGBTQ+ Nigerians live in fear.

Nigerian TikTokers who are perceived to gay have also become the target of homophobic abuse online.

In her last post on Instagram on Wednesday, external, Abuja Area Mama had said she was getting ready to go and see her boyfriend.

Hours later, her body was found along Katampe – Mabushi expressway in the Banex, Wuse II area of Abuja, in what is suspected to be a murder incident.

A team of detectives visited the scene on Thursday morning and “preliminary investigations revealed that the individual was a man fully dressed in female clothing with no means of identification on him”, a police statement said.

Abuja police chief Benneth Igweh has since ordered a “thorough and discreet” investigation into the death.

Last September, the TikToker said she had been stabbed by an unidentified person in what were unclear circumstances.

On her TikTok profile, she described herself as “the number one Abuja cross-dresser and queen of the street”.

She said her posts were intended to be a reflection of her life and educate her followers.

The news of her death has sparked an outpouring of grief on social media.

Even though Nigeria’s laws guarantee freedom from discrimination and the right to private and family life, mass arrests and detention of those in the LGBTQ+ community are common – especially in northern states.

“Taking laws into your hand because you don’t like another person’s sexual orientation is the worst form of inhumanity,” Martins Ifijeh, a local journalist, posted on X, external. BBC News

Mnangagwa hails sprinters Charamba and Makarawu: ‘They made our nation proud’

By
Staff Reporter
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Presidential spokesman George Charamba's son, Makanakaishe Charamba (22) and his compatriot Tapiwa Makarawu (23), have made history by becoming the first Zimbabwean sprinters to reach the 200m Olympic final together in Paris. (Picture via Zimbabwe Olympic Committee)
Presidential spokesman George Charamba's son, Makanakaishe Charamba (22) and his compatriot Tapiwa Makarawu (23), have made history by becoming the first Zimbabwean sprinters to reach the 200m Olympic final together in Paris. (Picture via Zimbabwe Olympic Committee)

HARARE – President Emmerson Mnangagwa has lauded the exceptional performance of sprinters Tadiwanashe Makarawu and Makanakaishe Charamba, who made history by becoming the first Zimbabweans to reach the final of the men’s 200m race at the Paris Olympics.

Despite missing out on the medals, with Makarawu securing sixth place and Charamba finishing eighth, their impressive performance has caught the eye of president Mnangagwa.

Their achievement to reach the final of the 200m race won by Botswana’s Letsile Tebogo, has been on almost every Zimbabweans’ lips with many saluting them for raising the flag high.

In a heartfelt message shared on his Facebook page, President Mnangagwa praised the young athletes.

“My heartfelt congratulations to our remarkable sprinters, Tadiwanashe Makarawu and Makanakaishe Charamba, for placing 6th and 8th in the finals of the 200m race at the Paris Olympics,” he wrote.

“Their achievements are a testament to the resilience, determination, and unwavering spirit that define Zimbabwe. They have made our nation proud.

“Let us celebrate their dedication and continue to support our athletes as they represent us on the global stage.”

The 23-year old Makanakaishe is the son of Presidential spokesman George Charamba. 

He started athletics in 2017 during his secondary school days at Hillcrest College in Mutare.

Two in court over fraud allegations related to legal practice certificate

By
Nyashadzashe Ndoro
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Harare Magistrates Court
Harare Magistrates Court

HARARE – Linda Kovi, an administrator at Kanoti and Partners, and Huggins Duri, the Executive Secretary for the Council for Legal Education (CLE), appeared before the Harare Magistrates Court on fraud allegations.

The two accused individuals had applied for discharge at the close of the State’s case, but their application was dismissed.

It is the State’s case that Kovi graduated with a Bachelor of Laws Degree from a University in Zambia in 2019. To practice law in Zimbabwe, she needed to obtain a certificate of conversion from CLE.

Kovi allegedly enrolled with CLE in 2020 and passed three out of four modules. She, however, failed three additional modules and allegedly did not write the Book-keeping module.

The State alleges that Kovi approached Duri, seeking his assistance to fraudulently obtain the certificate of completion.

Duri allegedly included Kovi’s name on the list of successful candidates, resulting in the issuance of a certificate of completion. This enabled Kovi to be admitted as a Legal Practitioner by the High Court of Zimbabwe.

The matter will proceed to the defense case on August 19, 2024.

In another case, a 24-year-old man from Budiriro appeared before the Harare Magistrates’ Court on robbery charges involving over US$194,000.

According to allegations, the accused person, along with his accomplices, including the complainant’s driver, who is already in custody, hatched a plan to rob the complainant on August 4, 2024. The complainant was traveling from Bulawayo to Harare via Chivhu.

The accused person and his accomplices allegedly mounted a roadblock, pretending to be police officers and stopped the complainant’s Toyota Hiace motor vehicle.

They then threatened to arrest the complainant, opened the door, and forcibly grabbed a bag containing US$193,900, an iPhone 13 mobile phone, and motor vehicle keys before fleeing the scene in their getaway car, a Nissan Note.

The matter was reported to the police, leading to the arrest of the accused person and the recovery of US$100,442 and the Nissan Note.

The accused person was denied bail and is currently in custody at Parirenyatwa Hospital, where he is receiving treatment for a bullet wound sustained during his attempted evasion of arrest.

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