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Trump extends Iran ceasefire indefinitely as tensions remain unresolved

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Staff Reporter
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February 18, 2026, Washington, D.C., USA: President of the United States Donald J. Trump speaks at a Black History Month Reception at The White House. (Picture by Kyle Mazza - TheNews2.com via DepositPhotos.com)
February 18, 2026, Washington, D.C., USA: President of the United States Donald J. Trump speaks at a Black History Month Reception at The White House. (Picture by Kyle Mazza - TheNews2.com via DepositPhotos.com)

US President Donald Trump has announced that he will extend the ceasefire with Iran until negotiations between the two countries make tangible progress.

The decision removes the immediate pressure of an expiring deadline, with the previous truce having been due to end this week.

However, Trump made it clear that the US naval blockade of Iranian ports will remain in force until Tehran presents what he described as a “unified proposal.”

Trump said Tuesday that Iran ultimately wants the Strait of Hormuz reopened, but argued that lifting the US blockade of Iranian ports would undermine the prospects of a peace deal unless, he added, “we blow up” the rest of the country.

“Iran doesn’t want the Strait of Hormuz closed, they want it open so they can make $500 million a day,” Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social. “They only say they want it closed because I have it totally blockaded, so they merely want to ‘save face.’”

He continued: “People approached me four days ago, saying, ‘Sir, Iran wants to open up the Strait, immediately.’”

“But if we do that,” Trump said, “there can never be a deal with Iran, unless we blow up the rest of their country, their leaders included.”

The status of the talks remains uncertain. Diplomatic engagement between Washington and Tehran appears to be stalled, with both sides yet to confirm the next round of discussions.

Plans for renewed negotiations in Islamabad have also faltered. US Vice President JD Vance, who had been expected to travel to Pakistan, remained in Washington and will no longer make the trip, according to the White House.

On the Iranian side, officials have also signalled hesitation. A foreign ministry spokesperson said Tehran has not yet decided whether it will send a delegation to Pakistan for talks with the United States.

The developments leave the ceasefire in place but without a clear diplomatic pathway, highlighting the fragile and unresolved nature of the standoff between the two countries.

The Rolls-Royce Revolutionary: Tino Machakaire and Zimbabwe’s new political guard

By
Gabriel Manyati
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Zanu PF national secretary for youth affairs Tino Machakaire (Picture via Facebook - Hon Minister Tino Machakaire)
Zanu PF national secretary for youth affairs Tino Machakaire (Picture via Facebook - Hon Minister Tino Machakaire)

​The dust of Wedza South rarely settles, but on this afternoon, it is kicked into a frenzied swirl by a motorcade that looks more suited to the boulevards of Dubai than the rugged terrains of Mashonaland East.

At the centre of the storm stands Tinoda “Tino” Machakaire. Clad in a crisp white shirt, his youthful face radiating a blend of corporate confidence and grassroots charisma, he leans into a sea of outstretched hands.

The crowd, largely composed of young men and women whose futures are often discussed in the abstract within the hallowed halls of Harare, erupts in cheers.

For them, Machakaire is not just a politician; he is a walking, breathing billboard for the Zimbabwean dream. He is the man who turned a single truck into a logistics empire, the man who brings flashy cars and high-stakes business acumen to the drab world of bureaucracy.

Yet, as he flashes a smile that has become a staple of his curated social media presence, a haunting question lingers in the air: is he the vanguard of a genuine generational shift, or merely the most polished face of a system that has perfected the art of self-preservation?

​Born in 1981 in Bulawayo, Machakaire’s life story reads like a classic Zimbabwean odyssey. His early years were defined by the hustle of the hyperinflationary era, a period that crushed many but forged a specific breed of resilient, opportunistic entrepreneur.

From modest beginnings in carpentry and a stint at ZESA, he transitioned into the logistics sector, founding TinMac Motors.

By the time he entered the political arena in 2018, he was already a multimillionaire. His rise was not an accident of birth but a result of meticulous networking within the corridors of power.

While his supporters point to his business success as proof of his competence, critics often view his wealth through the lens of patronage.

His company, TinMac, became a central player in the Command Agriculture scheme, a multi-billion dollar project that, while aiming for food security, became mired in allegations of lack of accountability.

​Machakaire’s political ascent has been nothing short of meteoric. Following his election as the Member of Parliament for Wedza South, he was swiftly appointed as Deputy Minister of Youth, Sport, Arts and Recreation.

In 2023, he was elevated to the full Cabinet post of Minister of Youth Empowerment, Development and Vocational Training. His positioning within ZANU PF is strategic; he is widely regarded as an unswerving loyalist to President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

In a party historically dominated by the “old guard” of the liberation struggle, Machakaire represents the “Second Republic’s” attempt to bridge the gap between the revolutionary past and a technocratic future.

He is the quintessential Mnangagwa loyalist: business-savvy, fiercely partisan and capable of speaking the language of the international investor and the rural voter simultaneously.

​As the minister responsible for Zimbabwe’s youth, Machakaire’s impact is a subject of intense debate. To his credit, he has brought a level of energy and visibility to the portfolio that was previously lacking.

He has been visible at youth symposiums, vocational training centres and sports tournaments, often using his personal resources to fund prizes and infrastructure. His messaging is relentlessly positive, focusing on “empowerment” and “self-reliance.”

He leverages social media with a sophistication that his older colleagues cannot replicate, presenting a life of luxury and hard work that resonates with a generation raised on the aesthetics of Instagram.

When he famously purchased a Rolls-Royce Phantom for a staggering sum, it sparked a national outcry over the optics of such opulence in a struggling economy.

Yet, for many of his supporters, the car was not a symbol of greed but a trophy of success – a sign that a young Zimbabwean could indeed make it to the top.

​However, a critical reflection suggests that this brand of “youth empowerment” may be more about optics than systemic change. While Machakaire promotes vocational training, the broader economic environment remains hostile to the very graduates he seeks to inspire.

The high unemployment rates and the exodus of skilled youth to neighbouring countries suggest that charismatic leadership alone cannot solve structural failures.

There is also the persistent shadow of “elite networks.” Critics argue that Machakaire is a “front” for more powerful interests, a middleman in a system where business success is inextricably linked to political loyalty.

His philanthropic gestures – ranging from paying for the funeral of a beloved comedian to donating ambulances – are often dismissed by sceptics as high-budget public relations designed to mask the realities of crony capitalism.

​This brings us to the broader question of Zimbabwe’s “generational mandate.” Since the 2017 transition, there has been a concerted effort to project a narrative of renewal.

Machakaire is the poster child for this effort. His presence in the Cabinet is meant to signal that the doors of power are finally opening to those who did not fight in the bush.

But true youth inclusion requires more than just young faces in high places; it requires a shift in how power is exercised.

If the new generation of leaders merely inherits the patronage networks and the exclusionary politics of their predecessors, then the “generational shift” is an illusion.

Machakaire is caught in this contradiction. He is a beneficiary of the status quo who simultaneously promises to be its disruptor.

​The contradictions of Tino Machakaire are the contradictions of modern Zimbabwe. He is the man of the people who drives a vehicle that costs more than the annual budget of a small town.

He is the moderniser who is deeply embedded in a traditional, hierarchical party. He is the entrepreneur who champions the free market while thriving on state-linked tenders.

These are not just personal inconsistencies; they are the hallmarks of a political class that is attempting to survive in a rapidly changing world by rebranding its image without necessarily reforming its core.

​As we look toward the 2030 horizon, Machakaire’s trajectory will serve as a bellwether for the country.

If he can leverage his influence to push for genuine policy reforms that move beyond individual philanthropy and toward systemic economic opportunity, he may yet become the bridge he claims to be.

If, however, his career remains a series of flashy public appearances and tactical political manoeuvres, he will be remembered as little more than a polished face of continuity.

For now, he remains an enigma – a man who has mastered the art of the possible in a country where the impossible is a daily reality. He is the Rolls-Royce revolutionary, steering a path between the weight of history and the uncertain allure of the future.

Whether he is leading the youth toward a new era or simply leading them in circles remains the most critical question of his political life.

Gabriel Manyati is a Zimbabwean journalist and analyst delivering incisive commentary on politics, human interest stories, and current affairs.

Zimbabwe’s emerging petty oligarchy: Trauma, fear, family power, and the quest for perennial power

By
Bhekilizwe Bernard Ndlovu
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President Emmerson Mnangagwa, First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa and their son Sean Mnangagwa arrive at the National Heroes Acre, April 2025 (Picture via X - @DeptCommsZW)
President Emmerson Mnangagwa, First Lady Auxillia Mnangagwa and their son Sean Mnangagwa arrive at the National Heroes Acre, April 2025 (Picture via X - @DeptCommsZW)

Zimbabwe may be entering a new phase of its political life, not a break from the past, but an evolution of it.

What we are witnessing is not just an attempt to amend the Constitution, but something deeper, more structural, and more psychological: the emergence of what can be called a PETTY OLIGARCHY, a concentrated network of political power, family influence, and financial control, designed to shape both leadership and the economy over the long term, if not forever.

This is not accidental, but patterned, and at its core, it is driven by something we often ignore: FEAR.

What is a Petty Oligarchy?

A petty oligarchy is not yet a fully consolidated elite class like those seen in larger global economies. It is emerging, forming, positioning itself. It operates through:

  • Family consolidation of power
  • Control of economic resources
  • Strategic placement of loyalists
  • Use of money to influence political outcomes
  • Controlling State Institutions using money and property
  • Gradual weakening of public democratic mechanisms for personal and family aggrandizement, again because of fear of not being in control.

In Zimbabwe’s case, the current ruling establishment around Emmerson Mnangagwa appears, to many observers, to be moving in this direction.

The alleged push to amend the Constitution so that the president is elected by Parliament rather than directly by citizens is a critical indicator.

Why?

Because influencing millions of voters is difficult. Influencing a few hundred legislators is… manageable. Especially when money is abundant.

From Mugabe to Mnangagwa: Evolution of Control

To understand this moment, we must trace its roots. Robert Mugabe held onto power primarily through political control, ideology, party machinery, and state dominance.

His attempts to formalize a one-party state were resisted by figures such as Joshua Nkomo and even Ian Smith in earlier configurations of power dynamics. He failed to institutionalize it fully, though he maintained a de facto dominant-party system, but his control was largely political.

What we are now seeing appears to be an upgrade of the model: Not just political control, but economic capture + political influence by a family. A shift from power retention, to power entrenchment across generations, and we repeat, by a family.

It is important to emphasise the family part especially for those participating and enabling it, because as it unfolds, naturally that who are not part of the nucleus family fall off, either by natural attrition or by intentional removal.

If you want to understand this, just look at how many people who were part of the beginning of this process are no more. Dead or just sidelined, and the main casualty here is the deputy president himself, Gen Chiwenga, who seems to be the sole nemesis of the emerging petty oligarchy.

This is where the oligarchic element comes in.

The Family-State Nexus.

There is a growing perception that, family members are being placed in strategic positions, and close allies (often wealthy or connected business figures) are acting as extensions of political power.

There is a culture of handouts and patronage which is expanding, wealth accumulation being centralized, figures like Wicknell Chivayo are often cited in public discourse as symbols of this new political economy, where wealth, loyalty, and influence intersect and it is clear for all to see that the result is a networked system of control in the areas of, Political office, Economic capital, Social influence, all reinforcing each other.

This is how oligarchies form.

The Psychology Behind It is Fear of Vulnerability, the same fear that drove R.G Mugabe and led to his disastrous term in office and of course his legacy which is playing out now, not just in the collective psyche of the country but also in his children.

But if we stop at politics, we miss the deeper truth. This is not only strategy, but it is psychology. The same thread we saw with Mugabe continues here: the fear of vulnerability.

If I ever lose power and become vulnerable, I will be unsafe, my children will be at the mess of those in power, ad I would rather be in power even when I am dead, be in power in my rave for the sake of my many children, because of course I have many and they will suffer when I am gone.

Colonialism did not just dispossess land, it dispossessed dignity. It taught generations that: Without power, you are unsafe Without control, you are exposed, without dominance, you can be crushed.

This produces a particular kind of leader, who is hyper-vigilant, control-driven, accumulative, suspicious of relinquishing power, and in this frame, power is not just political, it is protection.

And money becomes an extension of that protection. We move from survival to Accumulation. What we may be witnessing is a shift from: Survival-based power, to accumulation-based power where: Political office is no longer enough, and wealth must be built alongside it, and Influence must extend beyond tenure.

That is the nature of an oligarchy now. ED knows he is old and will, by retirement or natural attrition soon be gone and so, the long-term logic becomes: Even if we leave office, power must remain within reach through money and property, a cargo cult.

This is how families become institutions and this is how names become systems. The comparison some make, to families like the Rockefellers or Rothschilds, reflects this idea of multi-generational influence, though Zimbabwe’s version is still forming, still “petty” in scale, but potentially significant in impact and many, especially those enjoying temporary political office now and so, facilitating the entrenchment of power by the ED family, do not understand.

They need to read the script going back to the beginning when the coupe happened, and see that those who were not part of the family will never become a permanent part and when the family feels that they are no longer needed, they just remove them like chess pieces when they have played their part.

Constitutional Change is a Strategic Move, and the proposal to shift presidential election from the public to Parliament is not a neutral administrative adjustment, but is a structural pivot, because:

  • Citizens = unpredictable
  • Parliamentarians = influenceable, and if an oligarchic network can shape:
    Candidate selection
    Party loyalty
    Financial incentives
    Then controlling leadership becomes far easier, and this is why many see this moment as a high stage of state capture, where democracy is not abolished, but redirected through controllable channels.

The Risk: Cementing Trauma

If this trajectory continues unchecked, Zimbabwe risks entering a new cycle:

  • Power concentrated
  • Wealth centralized
  • Citizens disempowered
  • Political competition reduced

But beyond politics, there is something deeper, which is the cementing of collective trauma, because fear creates control, control creates suppression, suppression creates resentment, resentment creates future instability, and the cycle continues.

A Mental Fitness Perspective

From a mental fitness lens, this moment is critical because the same forces shaping leadership are shaping citizens: Fear, Anger, Helplessness, Distrust and if not managed, these states lead to, emotional exhaustion, reactionary behaviour, polarization and loss of clarity, and most dangerously, unconscious participation in the same system we oppose, and losing ourselves in it and becoming unconscious participants who are self-destructive.

How Zimbabweans Can Navigate This

This is not a call for passivity, but a call for conscious participation. We need to understand the System and recognize that, power moves are often fear-driven and that control is often a response to insecurity. Understanding does not mean agreeing, but it means seeing clearly.

We desperately need to regulate Before Reacting. Anger is valid but unregulated anger clouds judgment. Zimbabweans need to Practice:

  • Pause
  • Breathe
  • Ground
  • Then engage

There is need to stay Informed, not Overwhelmed. Too much exposure to political stress creates burnout. Anyone who wants to emerge intact needs to limit:

Doom-scrolling

Constant outrage cycle and choose, structured, intentional information intake. We cannot afford to ignore thinking long-term

Oligarchic systems are built over time and so must be, resistance, reform, and alternatives. There is need to avoid short-term emotional reactions as the only strategy.

Any Zimbabwean who wants to emerge intact for themselves and posterity must protect their Inner World. You may not control the system, but you control:

  • Your thinking
  • Your emotional responses
  • Your participation, and this is not small, but foundational.

The Bigger Question

Zimbabwe now stands at a crossroads, not just politically, but psychologically and the question is will this become, a country shaped by fear and control, or a country that begins to understand and interrupt its patterns, because the truth is that systems are sustained not only by those in power, but by how citizens respond to power.

Conclusion: Seeing Clearly, Choosing Consciously

What is emerging in Zimbabwe is indeed be a form of petty oligarchy, a network of power, money, and influence consolidating itself for long-term control as a family ultimately and failure to understand that this is about family will lead to a lot of heartbreaks and casualties. But beneath this lies something older:

  • Trauma
  • Fear
  • The need to feel safe
  • If we only fight the surface, we miss the root.

And if we miss the root, we repeat the cycle, and the invitation, then, is twofold:

  • See the system clearly
  • Engage it consciously

Because the greatest risk is not only that oligarchy takes hold but also that, in fighting it unconsciously, we become shaped by the same forces that created it and Zimbabwe deserves better than another repetition.

Bhekilizwe Bernard Ndlovu is a Mental Fitness scholar-practitioner, coach and social innovator focused on leadership, intergenerational trauma and nation-building across workplaces, schools and tertiary institutions in African and global contexts.

When prophecy mirrors inevitability: Zimbabwe’s politics of predicting death

By
Dr Sibangilizwe Moyo
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Picture illustration of death prophecy in Zimbabwe (Picture via Nehanda Radio)
Picture illustration of death prophecy in Zimbabwe (Picture via Nehanda Radio)

There are moments in the life of a nation when language itself seems to recoil from what it is asked to carry.

In contemporary Zimbabwe, the spectacle of high-profile death prophecies directed at ageing and visibly ailing political figures is one such moment.

It beggars belief—not merely because of its brazenness, but because of its curious redundancy. When the body is already in decline, when time has made its quiet but unmistakable claim, what precisely is being foretold?

At first glance, prophecy occupies a sacred and culturally resonant space. Within many African epistemologies, the prophetic voice has historically served as a moral compass—warning against excess, injustice, or spiritual drift.

It has been less about prediction in the narrow sense, and more about correction, restoration, and communal balance.

Yet what we increasingly witness in Zimbabwe’s public sphere appears to depart from this deeper tradition. The prophecy, instead of illuminating the unknown, seems to gravitate towards the self-evident.

One is compelled to ask: where is the value in declaring the mortality of those already advanced in years or weakened by illness? Is this foresight, or is it theatre?

If prophecy merely affirms what biology has already made probable, then its epistemic worth becomes questionable. It ceases to be revelation and begins to resemble opportunism—an appropriation of spiritual authority for public spectacle.

There is, however, another dimension worth considering. Prophecy, particularly when directed at figures occupying the presidium or those in proximity to power, may not be about death per se.

Rather, it may function as a coded discourse on succession, legitimacy, and the anxieties that attend political transition.

In such a reading, the “death” being prophesied is as much symbolic as it is physical—a shorthand for the end of an era, the loosening of entrenched authority, or the inevitability of change.

Yet even this more charitable interpretation does not entirely absolve the practice. For prophecy, when stripped of ethical grounding, risks becoming a tool of psychological manipulation. It can instil fear, shape public perception, and subtly influence political calculations.

In a context where institutions are fragile and trust is unevenly distributed, the prophetic voice can carry disproportionate weight—whether deserved or not.

Moreover, there is a moral question that cannot be easily dismissed. To publicly anticipate the death of another, particularly in a manner that appears calculated to attract attention or confer relevance, raises concerns about dignity and intent.

Is the prophet serving the public good, or merely cultivating a following? Is this an act of spiritual duty, or a performance calibrated for visibility?

One might argue that such prophecies endure precisely because they resonate with a populace attuned to both spiritual narratives and political uncertainty.

Zimbabwe’s history, marked by liberation struggle, economic turbulence, and contested governance, has cultivated a citizenry that often seeks meaning beyond the immediately visible.

In such a landscape, prophecy can offer a sense of order, even when its content is ambiguous or, indeed, obvious.

And yet, if prophecy is to retain its integrity, it must aspire to more than the predictable. It must challenge, not merely confirm; illuminate, not merely echo.

Otherwise, it risks becoming what it now increasingly appears to be: a mirror held up to inevitability, reflecting back what we already know—that age advances, that illness weakens, and that mortality, in the end, requires no herald.

In this sense, the current proliferation of death prophecies aimed at Zimbabwe’s political elite does not deepen our understanding of the future.

Rather, it exposes a present in which the sacred is entangled with the strategic, and where the language of destiny is, perhaps, being asked to do the work of politics.

If there is value to be found, it may lie not in the prophecies themselves, but in what they reveal about us: our anxieties, our fascinations with power, and our enduring search for meaning in the face of the inevitable.

The question, then, is not whether these prophecies will come to pass, but whether they were ever saying anything of consequence at all.

Dr Sibangilizwe Moyo writes on Church and Governance, politics, legal and social issues. He can be reached at [email protected]

Assemblies of God Back To God under-fire over governance, ‘unnecessary’ legal spending

By
Staff Reporter
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Assemblies of God-Back To God (AOG-BTG) chairperson Bishop Nathan Sethlako and secretary Silas Mhazo have repeatedly appeared in litigation involving the church (Pictures via Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe and Assemblies of God Church Zimbabwe)
Assemblies of God-Back To God (AOG-BTG) chairperson Bishop Nathan Sethlako and secretary Silas Mhazo have repeatedly appeared in litigation involving the church (Pictures via Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe and Assemblies of God Church Zimbabwe)

The Assemblies of God-Back To God (AOG-BTG) church is coming under increasing scrutiny from its members amid emerging concerns over governance shortcomings, alleged financial mismanagement, and the use of church resources to fund legal disputes.

Church leaders are reportedly facing criticism for delays in completing the widely publicised Mashava Auditorium project, with allegations that funds may have been redirected toward legal battles, particularly those involving the Assemblies of God-Spiritual Movement (AoG-SM) led by Phillip Zinyama.

In a recent High Court case, Justice Dembure, delivering an extempore judgment, imposed punitive costs on the Nathan Sethlako-led AOG-BTG, emphasising the need “to deter church leaders from irresponsibly dragging the church into litigation.”

The original case, registered as HCH 5359/23, resulted in the awarding of costs against the church.

Court records further show that another application concerning the same property has since been filed by AOG-BTG under HCH 6427/25, prompting questions among observers about the consistency and direction of the church’s legal approach.

According to church members, court filings indicate that AOG-BTG chairperson Sethlako and secretary Silas Mhazo have repeatedly appeared in litigation involving the church.

In several instances, resolutions authorising such legal action were signed by either of the two, despite the presence of a nine-member national executive.

This, some observers say, raises concerns about whether decisions related to litigation are being collectively made or subjected to adequate oversight by the broader executive.

Following the court ruling, representatives of the church reportedly proposed settling the amount, said to exceed US$8 000, through monthly installments of US$1 000, citing financial difficulties.

It is understood that the opposing party, AoG-SM, had expressed willingness to engage directly with church leadership in an effort to resolve the dispute amicably.

However, the matter did not progress toward a negotiated settlement, and the full amount was ultimately paid in a lump sum.

Documents reviewed by this publication indicate that the payment was made from an account associated with the Mashava Project, a fundraising initiative supported by congregants.

The use of funds from a project-specific account to settle legal expenses is likely to draw concern from members, particularly as the project itself is reportedly facing delays and financial strain.

Further concerns have been raised over a property said to have been purchased by the church in 2024 for approximately US$150 000, located in one of Harare’s affluent suburbs.

Publicly available information, including details on the church’s website, shows that AOG-BTG uses an address in Strathaven, Harare, which is also linked to a law firm that has handled legal matters on behalf of the church.

“This has raised questions in some quarters about whether the property forms part of the church’s assets,” a congregant said.

When contacted for comment, Sethlako declined to provide detailed responses.

“Just deal with the people who told you that, aren’t they claiming to be members of AoG-BTG? They must know everything, deal with them,” Sethlako said.

AOG-BTG, which is understood to have a largely rural membership base, depends significantly on contributions from congregants with limited financial resources.

In his 2025 end-of-year address, Sethlako acknowledged these constraints, noting that he had to shorten his message because many members lacked sufficient mobile data to follow a longer broadcast.

Full-time pastors are reportedly receiving a monthly stipend of around US$100, a figure that has raised concerns when considered alongside the church’s other financial commitments.

Some congregants have also pointed to deteriorating infrastructure, including the reported partial collapse of the Mkoba Convention Centre in 2024.

As internal processes and upcoming AOG-BTG elections draw closer, calls are intensifying for the national executive to take on a stronger oversight role.

Inside US$3.6m saga: Did Wicknell Chivayo misrepresent Mnangagwa’s approval?

By
Nyashadzashe Ndoro
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In a leaked audio controversial businessman Wicknell Chivayo boasted about how he leverages his close relationship with President Emmerson Mnangagwa to secure lucrative, million-dollar deals. (Picture via Facebook - Wicknell Chivayo)
In a leaked audio controversial businessman Wicknell Chivayo boasted about how he leverages his close relationship with President Emmerson Mnangagwa to secure lucrative, million-dollar deals. (Picture via Facebook - Wicknell Chivayo)

The sequence of events surrounding Wicknell Chivayo’s now-withdrawn US$3.6 million pledge to Members of Parliament exposes a striking inconsistency at the heart of Zimbabwe’s political establishment, one that raises two plausible, and equally consequential, interpretations.

On one hand, Chivayo explicitly claimed that his proposed donation had received “express approval” from President Emmerson Mnangagwa, referring to him as “the principal.”

This was not an offhand remark. It was central to the legitimacy of the pledge, positioning the donation as not merely a private philanthropic act, but one implicitly sanctioned at the highest level of the State.

It does not take a rocket scientist to realise that Chivayo was referring to the President when he said he got an “express approval granted by the principal.”

Wicknell said: “I am therefore VERY PLEASED to announce that, following an EXPRESS APPROVAL granted by the PRINCIPAL….”

The timing, just weeks before Parliament debates the contentious Constitutional Amendment (No. 3) Bill, only amplified the political weight of that claim.

Zanu-PF Youth League, led by Deputy Secretary for Youth Affairs John Paradza (Picture via X - @chrissy10charu)
Zanu-PF Youth League, led by Deputy Secretary for Youth Affairs John Paradza (Picture via X – @chrissy10charu)

Led by John Paradza, the Zanu Youth League did not treat the donation as a coordinated or endorsed government initiative.

Instead, it publicly rebuked the move, warning that it risked undermining parliamentary independence and could be perceived as an attempt to influence legislators.

Crucially, the Youth League went further, urging Parliament to reject the funds altogether, a position that would be politically difficult to sustain if the initiative had indeed been formally sanctioned by the President.

Chivayo’s claim of presidential approval is taken at face value, then the Youth League’s intervention suggests an unusual and highly public contradiction within the ruling party itself.

It would imply that a key party structure openly challenged and effectively derailed, a plan linked to the Head of State, President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

That scenario points to internal fractures, competing centres of influence, or at the very least, a breakdown in coordination within Zanu-PF’s political machinery.

On the other hand, if the Youth League’s stance is read as authoritative, then it casts serious doubt on Chivayo’s assertion that he had Mnangagwa’s backing in the first place.

The absence of any confirmation from the President’s Office, combined with the speed and firmness of the Youth League’s rejection, strengthens the possibility that the businessman overstated or misrepresented his level of access and approval to bolster the credibility of his pledge.

Chivayo’s subsequent actions deepen this ambiguity. After facing criticism, he withdrew the parliamentary donation, expressing “regret” over the fallout and acknowledging that he may have misjudged both the timing and the channel. This time around not mentioning the President.

However, rather than stepping back entirely, he escalated the commitment to US$5 million, this time redirecting the funds through Zanu-PF’s provincial structures.

Notably, even in retreat, Chivayo did not explicitly reaffirm the claim of presidential approval. Instead, he framed the controversy as a matter of “protocol” and “consultation,” subtly shifting from authority to error.

That rhetorical shift may indicate an attempt to de-escalate without fully conceding that his original justification was flawed.

The Youth League’s position, meanwhile, remained anchored in institutional integrity, warning against any “real or perceived” attempts to influence State arms.

Their insistence that such matters should not be transactional, especially in a period when Parliament is preparing to vote on a sensitive constitutional amendment, reinforces concerns that the donation, regardless of intent, carried significant political implications.

Taken together, the evidence points to two uncomfortable possibilities: either a businessman invoked presidential authority that may not have been formally granted, or elements within the ruling party publicly distanced themselves from and ultimately blocked an initiative that had higher-level political blessing.

It is, however, difficult to understand Mnangagwa’s position, particularly given that at times he appears to indicate left while turning right.

The Constitutional Amendment (No. 3) Bill is intended, among other things, to extend Mnangagwa’s term of office beyond 2028, when his second and final term is due to end.

The President has consistently stated that he would not seek a third term, describing himself as a “constitutionalist.” However, developments on the ground suggest a different reality.

The Bill has already gone through a disputed public consultation process in which many opposition members were reportedly prevented from contributing their views, with some allegedly attacked by known Zanu-PF supporters.

Mnangagwa has allowed the process to proceed, seemingly signalling an interest in extending his tenure, an outcome critics argue could undermine the Constitution.

Just last week, Mnangagwa dismissed Jessie Majome from her position as chairperson of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission after she openly criticised the Constitutional Amendment (No. 3) Bill hearings as lacking inclusivity.

Against this background, it becomes difficult, even for independent observers, to determine whether Mnangagwa is involved in Chivayo’s controversy, particularly given that the businessman’s donation was allegedly intended to influence Members of Parliament to support the Bill.

High Court registers Singapore judgement against Zimbabwe-based respondents

By
Nyashadzashe Ndoro
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High Court of Zimbabwe building in Harare, 07 June 2019 (Picture via X - @euinzim)
High Court of Zimbabwe building in Harare, 07 June 2019 (Picture via X - @euinzim)

The High Court of Zimbabwe has granted an application to register and enforce a foreign judgement issued by the High Court of Singapore, in a case involving two Singaporean nationals with business interests in Zimbabwe.

In a ruling handed down by Justice Neville Wamambo, the court authorised the registration of an order granted in Singapore on 21 July 2025 and subsequently confirmed on 19 December 2025, making it enforceable within Zimbabwe’s jurisdiction.

The application was brought by Ser Kang Wei (also known as Xu Kangwei) and Lucent Trading Limited, a British Virgin Islands-registered investment vehicle.

The respondents, Yong Khong Yoong Mark and Emily Hwang Mei Chen, are also Singaporean nationals but reside permanently in Zimbabwe.

A preliminary objection raised by the respondents centred on the non-joinder of a third party, Salas Porras Carlos Luis, who was part of the original Singapore proceedings.

The respondents argued that his absence from the Zimbabwean application rendered it defective.

The court, however, dismissed the objection, ruling that non-joinder is not fatal under Zimbabwe’s High Court Rules.

Justice Wamambo noted that the rules allow courts to determine matters involving parties properly before them, and provide mechanisms for joining additional parties where necessary.

The judge also highlighted that the respondents had not taken steps to apply for the joinder of the absent party.

“In casu, respondents, whilst of the strong view that Salas should have been joined to the present proceedings, and that his non-joinder would be prejudicial to them, still nonetheless did not avail themselves of the remedy provided for in Rule 32 (12).

“Such is the course of action they should have taken,” the judge noted.

On the merits, the court considered whether the foreign judgement met the requirements for recognition and enforcement under Zimbabwean common law. These include jurisdiction of the foreign court, finality of the judgment, absence of fraud, and consistency with public policy.

The respondents conceded that most of the requirements had been satisfied but contested the finality of the judgement, arguing that the original Singapore order, described as a Mareva injunction, was interlocutory in nature.

The court rejected this argument, finding that while the July 2025 order was initially interim, it became final after being confirmed by the Singapore High Court in December 2025.

Justice Wamambo held that the effect of the order, rather than its form, determines its finality, and concluded that the matter had been conclusively resolved between the parties.

“In the present case, the judgment of the 19th of December 2025 is a product of detailed submissions by the parties on the merits of the in-junction and is final and definitive in as far as that subject matter relates to the parties herein, who were the protagonists in the Singapore High Court.

“Whilst the order of 21 July was a temporary injunc-tion, which was the subject of either confirmation or discharge, it has since been confirmed by the judgment of 19 December 2025, and has thus become what is commonly known as a final injunc-tion as it no longer has any return date and is no longer in jeopardy of cancellation at the instance of the respondents as it was prior to 19 December 2025,” the judge ruled.

As a result, the High Court ordered that the Singapore judgment be registered as an order of the Zimbabwean court, allowing for its enforcement locally.

The respondents were also ordered to pay legal costs on a joint and several basis.

The applicants were represented by MD Hungwe Attorneys, while the respondents were represented by Masiya-Sheshe & Associates.

Tendayi Darikwa named in EFL League One Team of the Season after leading Lincoln City to promotion

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Band of Brothers in the UK: Marvelous Nakamba, Admiral Muskwe and Tendayi Darikwa (Picture via Instagram - Tendayi Darikwa)
Band of Brothers in the UK: Marvelous Nakamba, Admiral Muskwe and Tendayi Darikwa (Picture via Instagram - Tendayi Darikwa)

Tendayi Darikwa has been named in the 2025/26 EFL League One Team of the Season, capping off an outstanding campaign with Lincoln City.

The experienced right-back played a pivotal role in Lincoln City’s impressive season, helping the club secure promotion to the Championship while delivering consistent performances throughout the campaign.

Darikwa, who was appointed club captain ahead of the season, featured regularly and made 42 appearances, scoring five goals and contributing three assists. His leadership at the back and ability to influence play going forward were central to Lincoln’s success.

He was named in the Team of the Season alongside his Lincoln City teammates George Wickens, Sonny Bradley and Jack Moylan, underlining the club’s strong showing over the course of the season.

The 34-year-old joined Lincoln City in 2024 after leaving Apollon Limassol and has since enjoyed a remarkable resurgence in English football, reaffirming his quality and experience at a high level.

Scott Sakupwanya proposes US$3m PSL prize money as Zimbabwe football spending surges

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In a surprising twist, Scottland FC owner and gold dealer, Scott Sakupwanya handed rival player Denver Mukamba of Dynamos US$1,000 in cash after a match between the sides (Picture via X - @CMukungunugwa)
In a surprising twist, Scottland FC owner and gold dealer, Scott Sakupwanya handed rival player Denver Mukamba of Dynamos US$1,000 in cash after a match between the sides (Picture via X - @CMukungunugwa)

Scott Sakupwanya has called for a dramatic increase in prize money for Zimbabwe’s top-flight league, proposing that the winners of the Castle Lager Premiership receive US$3 million — a figure that would make it the highest-paying league title on the African continent.

The Scottland FC president said the local game is undergoing a major transformation, driven by new investment, improved infrastructure and the introduction of the Munhumutapa Challenge Cup, which will award its winners US$1 million.

💰 A call for a financial reset

Speaking after his appearance on the club’s podcast, Sakupwanya said the domestic league must reflect these changes.

“When you look at what is happening in our football… it will only be fair for winners of the league to get US$3 million,” he said.

He argued that increased prize money would raise competitiveness, attract foreign talent and improve the overall quality of the league.

⚽ Changing landscape of Zimbabwe football

Zimbabwe’s Premiership has seen growing financial investment in recent years, with clubs upgrading facilities and strengthening squads.

Scottland FC — Sakupwanya’s flagship club — are among the biggest spenders and recently won the league title, pocketing US$100,000 under the current structure.

Clubs are also investing in infrastructure, with new stadium developments emerging across the country.

  • The Chahwanda Stadium project in Kwekwe is one of the standout examples
  • Scottland FC are building stadiums in Mabvuku and Ruwa

🌍 How it compares in Africa

If implemented, the proposed US$3 million prize would eclipse all current league payouts on the continent.

  • South Africa (PSL): ~US$1.13 million
  • Morocco: ~US$600,000
  • Egypt: ~US$500,000
  • Tunisia: ~US$300,000
  • Tanzania: ~US$250,000

Even the new Munhumutapa Challenge Cup — at US$1 million — already outpaces most African league prizes.

📈 Vision for growth

Sakupwanya believes Zimbabwe’s economy and sponsorship potential can sustain such a leap.

“If we have such a kind of sponsorship… we will see how our football will develop,” he said.

He added that higher rewards would attract more players from across the region — including Zambia, Malawi, Namibia, Eswatini and West Africa — boosting competition and standards.

Draze releases ‘No’ featuring Thomas Mapfumo ahead of Independence Day

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Staff Reporter
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Zimbabwean-American artist Draze released a new single titled No, featuring legendary musician Thomas Mapfumo (Pictures via Facebook - Dumi Maraire and Nehanda Radio)
Zimbabwean-American artist Draze released a new single titled No, featuring legendary musician Thomas Mapfumo (Pictures via Facebook - Dumi Maraire and Nehanda Radio)

Zimbabwean-American artist Draze released a new single titled No, featuring legendary musician Thomas Mapfumo, ahead of Zimbabwe’s Independence Day celebrations on April 18.

The track, accompanied by a visually striking AI-generated video, blends music, history, and storytelling to deliver a cultural message centred on freedom, unity, and identity.

Built on Draze’s signature “Ancestral Art” sound — a fusion of traditional Zimbabwean music and hip-hop — the song connects generations while drawing from Zimbabwe’s rich musical heritage.

Tribute to legacy

At the heart of the track is a tribute to Draze’s late father, Dumisani Maraire, whose influence helped introduce Zimbabwean music to global audiences.

The song reimagines Maraire’s classic Kutambarara, with vocalist Ngoni Chikoore delivering the chorus.

“Kutambarara was one of my favorite songs from my father. This is my way of sharing his message with this generation. I hope he is proud,” Draze said.

Legendary collaboration

The inclusion of Mapfumo — widely regarded as the father of Chimurenga music — adds depth and historical resonance to the project.

His contribution reinforces the song’s connection to Zimbabwe’s liberation narrative and its continued relevance to younger audiences.

Internationally acclaimed Kenyan trumpeter Owuor Arunga also features on the track, adding a powerful instrumental layer associated with themes of resistance and hope.

Visual storytelling

The accompanying visual, created in collaboration with artist Renata, uses artificial intelligence to depict Zimbabwe’s independence story through a cinematic lens.

The project explores themes of resilience, liberation, and the shared experiences of African and global Black communities.

The song also references Bob Marley’s historic performance at Rufaro Stadium in 1980, symbolising international solidarity during Zimbabwe’s independence.

A message beyond music

As Zimbabwe marks another Independence Day, No arrives as both a creative expression and a statement of identity.

“This song is a collective ‘No’ — a reclaiming of our voice, our truth, and our humanity,” Draze said.

The single is part of Draze’s upcoming album, continuing his exploration of cultural fusion and storytelling.

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