In this second and final part, I focus on what the new opposition must do, specifically the structures it should establish, to succeed in its pursuit of democratic change in Zimbabwe. I propose that the new opposition establish the following departments or units.
Talent Identification and Recruitment Unit
Many Zimbabweans, both at home and in the diaspora, possess the extraordinary experience, skills, and knowledge required to drive the change agenda. However, the opposition has largely failed to tap into this reservoir of talent due to a lack of strategic outreach and engagement.
To progress, the new opposition must establish a Talent Identification and Recruitment Unit dedicated to identifying these individuals and appointing them to roles where they can optimally contribute to the struggle for change.
A notable example is when Morgan Tsvangirai appointed Alex Magaisa as his advisor. However, this process should not depend on the leader’s personal discretion or a small inner circle, but on a formal, institutionalised system.
The Anti-corruption Unit.
Zimbabwe has been ravaged by corruption, and it appears President Emmerson Mnangagwa has become the “Chigananda-in-Chief” (CIC). Vice President Constantino Chiwenga has warned that corruption is now a security threat, undermining the rule of law and eroding public trust in both private and public institutions.
Prosecutor General Justice Loice Matanda Moyo, the former head of the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission, estimated that the country loses over US$1.8 billion annually through corruption, a figure many consider conservative.
When ZANU-PF leaders themselves publicly acknowledge that there is vile corruption in Zimbabwe, it reveals the true breadth and depth of the problem.
During the June 2025 launch of Job Sikhala’s book, “Footprints in the Chains”, former Botswana President Ian Khama stated in his keynote address:
“Zimbabwe is a country with tremendous potential due to its resources, but all have been destroyed, and continue to be so, in a frenzy of corruption, greed, intolerance, and abuse”.
There are four tragic problems concerning the state of corruption in Zimbabwe today. First, many Zimbabweans do not recognize the link between corruption and poor service delivery, particularly our derelict health and education systems and crumbling infrastructure.
In fact, corruption is directly responsible for the deaths of thousands of Zimbabweans. Second, many are unaware of how government positions, tenders, and development projects such as roads, bridges, dams, and airports are used by the business and ruling elite as avenues to loot state resources.
Each time I look at a “development project” in Zimbabwe, instead of appreciating it, I find myself imagining the amount of money stolen in its name.
Third, many citizens lack the consciousness or desire to understand the nature and depth of this corruption and the destruction it has caused. They tend to follow socialites and crooked prophets rather than engaging in political and intellectual debates on governance.
Fourth, there is a brazenly false and convenient narrative that corruption is confined to ZANU-PF. It is now pervasive: found across the opposition, the civil service, civil society, the health and education sectors, the business community, and the society at large.
Many Zimbabweans now contribute to corruption, either as perpetrators or as enablers.
Fifth, many Zimbabweans have become habituated to corruption. This habituation is a result of four key factors: first, a sense of hopelessness characterized by the belief that ZANU-PF does what it wants and that whoever seeks to hold it to account will be victimized or killed; second, the ndezve ruzhinji mindset (a disregard for how state resources are used); third, a focus on individualistic arrival (zvangu zvaita) at the expense of the collective; and fourth, the belief that corruption has become a way of life and therefore nothing can be done about it.
Those who remember the 1988–89 Willowgate scandal know that its exposure shocked the national conscience. At that time, corruption of such magnitude was alien to society.
Today, that outrage has been replaced by resignation or even admiration. Consequently, many Zimbabweans now believe that if they occupied a position of power, they too would use it to enrich themselves and those around them.
It is disturbing that the opposition has not done even the bare minimum to expose and fight corruption. Even in cases where corruption was exposed by investigative journalists, the opposition largely remained silent. This is unacceptable.
There is no reason why the opposition would be unwilling to fight corruption except that it is benefiting from the corrupt system. If the new opposition is sincere in the fight against corruption, it must launch an Anti-Corruption Unit whose mandate is to expose, oppose, and dismantle corruption with relentless efficiency.
It must sensitize Zimbabweans to how corruption directly affects them—specifically its link to crumbling education and healthcare systems, poor roads, critical shortages of water and electricity, and the general failure of the state to provide public goods.
The Unit must provide accessible contact details for citizens to report corruption easily. Furthermore, it should be staffed with expert researchers and investigative journalists capable of uncovering the deepest roots of corruption in Zimbabwe. It must create a new culture of outrage against corruption.
Natural Resources Mapping and Protection Unit
The struggle for change in Zimbabwe is not just about removing ZANU-PF from power; it is equally about protecting our finite natural resources from corruption while ZANU-PF is still in power.
If Zimbabwe continues to lose its natural wealth at this rate, any incoming government will inherit nothing but a shell.
This is why it is essential for the new opposition to establish a Natural Resources Mapping and Protection Unit to document the country’s natural resources and monitor how they are managed by the state and exploited by political and business elites.
It must unapologetically fight mismanagement while promoting inclusivity and beneficiation.
To succeed, the Unit must collaborate closely with civil society organizations such as the Centre for Natural Resource Governance, and the church, traditional leaders, and grassroots communities.
Scenario Mapping and Response Unit
In politics and intelligence, there is a process called scenario planning or mapping. At its core, it involves anticipating all possible future scenarios, both favorable and unfavorable, and establishing mechanisms to counter or exploit them.
ZANU-PF excels at this. It always gathers intelligence on the plans and activities of the opposition and establishes response mechanisms, both proactive and reactive. Of course, it naturally benefits significantly from the use of state institutions and resources.
In contrast, the opposition is often weak in scenario planning. They are frequently caught unawares and struggle to respond to critical developments.
For example, the SADC observer mission’s damning verdict on the 2023 election was a highly positive scenario for the opposition, yet they failed to effectively leverage it. The same applies to the “Gold Mafia” exposure by Al Jazeera.
ZANU-PF is known for utilizing subversive methods to weaken the opposition and deny it electoral victory, including infiltration, co-optation, and election rigging. The opposition is often caught unprepared during pivotal moments.
For example, when Sengezo Tshabangu emerged and began recalling opposition parliamentarians by claiming to be the acting Secretary-General, the opposition was unable to mount an effective response, leading Nelson Chamisa to eventually leave the party.
Similar issues arose with the emergence of the FAZ group, which intimidated voters during the 2023 elections while polling agents faced systematic harassment. Furthermore, strategic delays in opposition strongholds like Harare and Bulawayo stalled voting for hours.
While the opposition is not responsible for providing ballot papers, better scenario planning could have mitigated the impact, for instance, by warning supporters ahead of time and encouraging them to remain at polling stations until their votes were cast.
This is why the opposition must establish a Scenario Mapping and Response Unit to gather intelligence on the secret plans of the regime and establish preemptive and reactive strategies to safeguard itself and the change project.
This can go a long way in mitigating the harm that ZANU-PF can inflict on it and it enhances its chances of ascending to power. The Unit should serve as the intelligence hub of the opposition.
It must be staffed by individuals with instigative and critical thinking skills and can infiltrate the regime, establish relationships with sympathetic elements within the government, and gain access to the secretive plans and operations of the regime.
The opposition must always understand that it is difficult or even impossible for it to take power without infiltrating the regime and working with elements that are disgruntled.
Political Consciousness Unit
In his book Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, Yuval Noah Harari argues that one of our unique gifts as humans is the ability to imagine. It is tragic that today we live in a country where consciousness and critical thinking have been replaced by sycophancy, and the pursuit of collective progress has been supplanted by a search for individual gain.
Zimbabwe possesses the resources and potential to be a development hub, but the corrupt, incompetent, and vile ZANU-PF regime has killed the ability of Zimbabweans to imagine and aspire.
This is why the regime campaigns using archaic projects like Pfumvudza, urban borehole drilling in the 21st century, and “chicken and goat” schemes—handing out soap, bread, or fast food to supporters.
Only those whose consciousness has been killed could be manipulated by such schemes. If there is anything that has enabled ZANU-PF to remain in power apart from the use of fear and brazen election rigging, it is a profound lack of political consciousness among the electorate.
Former Vice President Simon Muzenda captured this tragedy when he suggested that if ZANU-PF fielded a baboon as a candidate, the people would still vote for it. Of all the forms of poverty that may afflict a nation, a poverty of consciousness is the most tragic.
In religious circles, ZANU-PF utilizes thousands of illiterate and charlatan leaders who erode the consciousness of their followers, replacing it with delusions based on false interpretations of Holy Scripture.
One such delusion is the belief that it is God who installs all people in positions of authority.
Consequently, the so-called believers are taught that they must support the ruling elite regardless of human rights violations, politically motivated killings, vile corruption, nepotism, or sheer incompetence.
The death of a reading culture, a lack of critical thinking skills and exposure to the outside world, and an inability to understand global dynamics are the main factors that have stifled political consciousness and progressive thinking in Zimbabwe.
This is why the opposition must establish a Political Consciousness Unit to instil political awareness in Zimbabweans, particularly the youth.
Through physical and online activities, cutting-edge publications, and prescribed readings, this Unit must inform citizens of the country’s potential and how ZANU-PF betrayed it.
It should outline the steps required to remove the current regime and realize those possibilities in a post-ZANU-PF era. This is the Unit where I am most willing and able to contribute to the struggle for a new Zimbabwe.
Citizens equipped with consciousness can imagine possibilities, ask critical questions, engage robustly with governance, expose incompetence, and refuse to be manipulated.
Zones of Excellency Unit
Since 1999, the opposition has promised to deliver “Canaan” once they take power. However, it is tragic that they have completely neglected the immediate needs of their support base.
While the people wait for the “promised land,” they still need access to healthcare, school fees for their children, farm implements, and money for rent—because life doesn’t stop.
It makes no sense to promise a “spaghetti road” to someone struggling to pay medical bills in a poorly equipped public hospital. Therefore, the opposition must focus on the infrastructure that addresses the day-to-day struggles and needs of the people.
The new party must therefore establish “Zones of Excellence” or “exemplary constituencies” across Zimbabwe.
These zones would serve three purposes: to demonstrate the opposition’s competence and commitment to govern differently from ZANU-PF, to give citizens a taste of the “promised land” while still in the wilderness, and to restore the public’s power to aspire and imagine possibilities.
Significant progress can be made even while ZANU-PF remains in power. There is no need to wait for its removal to begin demonstrating what change looks like. The Zones of Excellence Unit should include the following specialized desks:
Healthcare Assistance Desk: To improve access to services like blood bank supplies and hospital bill assistance for critical cases, and to equip health delivery systems, particularly in opposition-controlled areas.
- Education Support Desk: To connect high-achieving, underprivileged students with local and international scholarships and tuition support.
- Elderly and Disability Support Desk: To provide dedicated resources and care for senior citizens and people with disabilities.
- Power and Water Support Desk: To facilitate and promote consistent access to clean water and reliable energy; and
- Food Assistance Desk: To provide essential nutrition and aid to the poor and vulnerable.
- Productivity Support Desk: To provide subsistence farmers with implements that enable them to be productive.
- Access to Markets Desk: To help local communities, particularly in rural areas, access markets for their produce.
- Housing Support Desk: To build decent, affordable housing for opposition supporters whose homes were destroyed by ZANU-PF goons.
- Solidarity Desk: To offer free litigation and support to opposition supporters whose rights have been violated by the regime. Additionally, the desk must offer financial and social support to imprisoned supporters and their families.
Regional and International Engagement Unit
When challenging an entrenched dictatorship like ZANU-PF, it is essential to secure moral, material, relational, diplomatic, operational, and ideational support from both regional and international actors.
This includes heads of state, leading opposition figures, civil society, international organizations, and the diplomatic community. This is why the opposition must establish a Regional and International Engagement Unit tasked with mobilizing this support.
The Unit must be staffed by mature, intelligent, and seasoned professionals capable of commanding the respect of key global players.
Despite all their weaknesses, African regional organizations, especially SADC and the African Union, have a critical role to play in promoting democratic transition in Zimbabwe.
The opposition leadership must therefore heed the counsel of the late Dr. Alex Magaisa: “Ordinary people can nonchalantly dismiss SADC and the AU in casual debates, but serious opposition politicians and strategists know they cannot afford such a petulant attitude”.
Victim Identification, Protection, and Support Unit
In a recent conversation with a villager who was once a valiant opposition supporter, he told me: “I have realized that it is futile to support the opposition. If ZANU-PF maims or kills you, no one from the opposition will support you or your family.
You will be alone until you die, while opposition leaders acquire riches for themselves.” He went on to cite examples of victimized families whom the opposition ignored. This conversation wrenched my heart; it is something I have thought about since the MDC was formed in 1999. I have seen valiant supporters close to me whose families were ravaged by ZANU-PF, yet the opposition did little to nothing to look after their wellbeing.
Since the formation of the MDC in 1999, hundreds of opposition supporters have been killed, maimed, harassed, abducted, tortured, arbitrarily arrested, and displaced, with their livelihoods and belongings destroyed.
These are not just names and figures; they are human beings—someone’s child, parent, or sibling. Recently, for example, I watched a video of Mr. Takaendesa Chisese, who died in Gutu. After being attacked by rogue ZANU-PF youths in 2008, he became mentally unstable.
From what I have read, he lived in isolation until his death—experiencing not just physical loneliness, but a profound lack of support from the opposition.
According to The Mirror Masvingo, “the once energetic man who fended for his family… died a pauper. He is to be buried at Muwandi Village, and it is heartbreaking that even providing food for his mourners remains a challenge”.
In his recent appreciation post to his supporters, Advocate Chamisa rightly noted: “Many of our brave comrades were beaten, jailed, or lost to politically motivated violence, a tragic trend that has uglily characterized our politics over the years”.
While this acknowledgment is important, the real tragedy lies in the lack of credible structures to identify, protect, and support these victims. They are always on their own.
This is not how the struggle is executed. The struggle must have structures that protect supporters from being victimized and structures that take care of those who were victimized despite the safety nets.
Every cadre must be confident that they are not alone and that the struggle has their back. This is why a dedicated “Victim Identification, Protection, and Support Unit” should be established to identify those at risk of abduction, torture, or death.
It must implement proactive protection mechanisms and provide sustainable support for those who have already suffered.
This involves assisting them, where necessary, with relocation to safe areas both within and outside the country, including providing support letters for asylum seekers, rebuilding destroyed homes, and replacing confiscated livestock.
Furthermore, there must be a sustainable providence of resources to meet their medical and basic needs, such as microgrants to start small businesses for self-sufficiency. A dedicated fund must be established for this non-negotiable purpose.
It is grossly immoral for opposition leaders to enter Parliament, the Senate, or councils to enrich themselves while those maimed or impoverished by political violence suffer in misery.
The Victim Identification, Protection, and Support Unit must maintain an updated database of all victims, particularly those who sustained life-threatening injuries or were killed.
These individuals must never be forgotten. When a new government finally attains power, it must give them special medical and financial attention. Additionally, a garden of remembrance should be established in their honor.
In South Africa, 10 young supporters of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) died in a bus accident while returning from a Youth Day rally in Durban.
Speaking at a mass funeral service in Vryheid, Julius Malema said: “Your children are not forgotten. The EFF will walk with you. We will support you and will continue to fight in their name.
We are going to honor all 10 of these fallen heroes, each with a house, a proper house equipped with all the necessary facilities. And if there is no water in those yards, we will ensure boreholes are installed to restore the dignity of those families”.
This is exactly how the struggle is executed. While the Zimbabwean opposition may not be able to afford building houses for victims, it can certainly afford to provide basic and continuous support. This is a nonnegotiable moral obligation in any struggle.
Council of Elders.
I believe that it is vital for the new opposition to establish a Council of Elders consisting of five to ten individuals drawn from diverse Zimbabwean constituencies such as academia, civil society, the civil service, the church, the media, traditional leadership, and the youth.
In this context, “Elders” does not refer to age, but to eminent experience, societal connections, vision, integrity, and ideation capabilities. Their role would be to gather public opinion, analyze Zimbabwe’s political, social, and economic environment, and provide unassailable counsel to the opposition. This structure would create an organized channel for citizens to share views and constructive criticism.
It would also enhance accessibility since it is impossible for every citizen to communicate directly with leaders like Advocate Nelson Chamisa. The Council would serve as a vital bridge and a mechanism for resolving internal conflicts.
Criticism Tracking and Evaluating Unit
Many people criticize the opposition from a place of good intent; they genuinely want to see it succeed. The opposition loses significant opportunities for self-improvement when it dismisses this feedback with labels like “sell-out”, or by telling critics to join ZANU-PF or form their own parties. Instead, it should use constructive criticism as a tool for growth.
A dedicated Criticism Tracking and Evaluation Unit, integrated with research or strategic communications teams, should be established to systematically monitor and analyse criticism and public sentiment directed at the party and its leadership and policies.
Its role is to “listen to the ground” to hear what people think the opposition is not doing or is doing wrongly. Based on its findings, the Unit would then provide strategic recommendations to party leadership.
Research and Analysis Unit
The new opposition must establish a Research and Analysis Unit to provide timely, evidence-based insights into Zimbabwe’s opposition politics, alongside local, regional, and international trends. Its mandate will be to refine the party’s policies, strategies, and ideology.
Additionally, the unit will analyse the broader political landscape to offer strategic recommendations for advancing the change project.
Rural Support and Mobilisation Unit.
Rural voters play a critical role in determining electoral outcomes in Zimbabwe. However, they face unique challenges, including misinformation, disinformation, manipulation, intimidation, victimization, and exclusion from government-led projects.
This forces many to reluctantly support ZANU-PF. Therefore, it is important for the opposition to establish a Rural Support and Mobilization Unit dedicated to engaging, informing, and mobilizing this electorate.
Such an initiative must provide a support and solidarity infrastructure for rural communities that is embedded in their day-to-day struggles.
Religious and Traditional Leaders Mobilisation Unit.
Religious and traditional leaders are so popular, respected, and influential that any political party with their support significantly increases its chances of winning elections. Within the religious sector, many shrines have members who vote strictly according to their leaders’ teachings.
For example, as a former member of the Johane Marange Apostolic sect, I recall a visit to my village where I was told: “Tinovhotera bato riripo nekuti mutumwa wakati vhoterai bato ririkutonga nekuti opposition inorwisa chinamato”.
ZANU-PF is well aware of this reality. This is why its leadership, particularly the President, frequently visits religious shrines to mobilise support.
Traditional leaders also play a critical role in Zimbabwe’s political outcomes. Since independence in 1980, ZANU-PF has consistently used them to defend and promote its interests.
These leaders wield massive influence in rural areas, where many of them coerce subjects into voting for the ruling party. This is why ZANU-PF seeks to amend the constitution to allow them to actively engage in politics.
The SADC Election Observation Mission’s final report on the 2023 harmonised elections noted that traditional leaders openly campaigned for ZANU-PF, prompting calls for reforms to ensure their impartiality.
Therefore, it is vital for the opposition to establish a Religious and Traditional Leaders Mobilisation Unit. This unit would specifically engage these figures to inform and remind them not to intimidate or brainwash their followers to promote ZANU-PF.
Such an initiative would go a long way in reducing the intimidation, misinformation, and coercion of rural voters, and mitigating the manipulation of religious institutions.
Diaspora Mobilisation Unit
Zimbabweans based in the diaspora have a critical role to play in the struggle for change in Zimbabwe. First, they can contribute to the change project through financial aid, material resources, and professional skills.
Second, they can organise protests against the regime, as they are in countries where they generally have the freedom to do so. Third, they can choose to suspend remittances during specific times to pressure the regime in Harare.
This is why the opposition needs to establish a Diaspora Mobilisation Unit to organise, engage, and mobilise Zimbabweans living outside the country.
Opportunities Identification and Uptake Unit
Since 1999, the opposition has wittingly and unwittingly taught its supporters to reject government-led development initiatives and wait for a “new Zimbabwe”. As a result, many have failed to seize available opportunities, including those in mining and land.
After nearly three decades of hopeless waiting, nothing has emerged. Life does not wait. Ironically, many opposition leaders have enriched themselves while telling their followers to trust the process and stay patient.
The opposition should instead encourage its supporters to seize available opportunities because Zimbabwe’s resources belong to everyone, not just ZANU-PF.
It must establish an “Opportunities Identification and Uptake Unit” tasked with finding ways for supporters to improve their lives and livelihoods now, even as the “struggle” for change continues.
What is important is that they must pursue these opportunities through legitimate means, remaining uncompromised by ZANU-PF. The Unit should also empower opposition supporters by identifying and facilitating access to education, employment, and business opportunities in the diaspora.
The well-being of opposition supporters cannot wait for a change in government, especially considering that in authoritarian contexts like Zimbabwe, the struggle is often a long one.
Supporters must never believe that they have lost everything or gained nothing from their commitment to the “struggle”. While awaiting long-term systemic change, they deserve short-term improvements that help them navigate daily life.
As Amílcar Cabral famously noted, people do not fight for abstract ideas alone; they sacrifice to improve their lives, experience progress, and guarantee a future for their children.
But where will the resources to establish all these Units come from?
I cannot conclude this article without answering the question many readers will inevitably ask: where will the resources to establish these Units come from? This is a critical point.
In my view, the necessary resources are not beyond the opposition’s reach, largely because these Units can be staffed by volunteers—individuals driven by a burning desire for change. These are professionals with their own livelihoods who want to leverage their knowledge, skills, and experience to transform Zimbabwe.
If people truly desire change, they must not view the project as a scheme for personal enrichment; those who fought the liberation struggle certainly did not. Furthermore, these Units must collaborate with stakeholders to minimize costs.
For example, the Natural Resources Mapping and Protection Unit can partner with organizations like the Centre for Natural Resource Governance to access vital data without the need for expensive fieldwork.
If the opposition restores public faith, many individuals and institutions will be willing to provide financial support.
Ultimately, if the opposition organizes itself robustly, it can win elections even without reforms—but if it remains weak, participating in future elections is futile.
Dr Moses Tofa is a Research Leader, political analyst, and self-critical Pan-Africanist. He holds a PhD in Politics from the University of Johannesburg and a PhD in Conflict Studies from the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal.
He is an Investigator at the University of Andes, Colombia. He writes in his capacity. He can be reached at [email protected], Twitter handle: @DrDrMTofa.
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