There is never a shortage of the village clown, always ready to bring embarrassment and shame to the community.
As Madagascar prepares to host the 45th Southern African Development Community (SADC) Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government on 17 August 2025, there is a remarkable calm and focus in the country.
The atmosphere in Antananarivo and across the island nation is a far cry from the theatrics, self-praise, and political weaponisation we witnessed when Zimbabwe hosted the same event last year.
In Madagascar, there is no frenzy of propaganda.
There is no desperate scramble to use the SADC chairmanship as a political lifeline.
There is no attempt to inflate it into some personal coronation for President Andry Rajoelina, nor is there an effort to project him as some sort of “president” of the entire southern African region.
Instead, there is an unmistakable air of sober preparation, with the focus placed squarely on the regional agenda.
Reading through coverage in local outlets like Madagascar Tribune, L’Express de Madagascar, and NewsWave Madagascar, one notices that the narrative there is grounded in the substance of the summit rather than the spectacle.
Reports highlight the themes that will dominate the meeting – economic integration, regional infrastructure projects, climate resilience, and trade cooperation.
There are practical updates on security, logistics, and infrastructure readiness, but they are covered with the tone of a government doing its duty, not a regime desperately seeking validation.
This contrasts sharply with Zimbabwe’s overblown approach to hosting the 44th SADC Summit in August 2024.
Harare turned the event into an extended festival of sycophancy for President Emmerson Mnangagwa.
State-controlled media went into overdrive, branding the occasion as proof of Mnangagwa’s “undisputed” regional leadership and portraying the SADC chairmanship as a grand personal endorsement.
In a country already drowning in poverty, millions in public funds were squandered on lavish villas, roadside billboards, and extravagant projects meant to dazzle visiting dignitaries.
In Madagascar, the government is not using the summit to justify extravagant spending on vanity projects.
While some infrastructure upgrades have been carried out in preparation for hosting, there is no indication of wasteful splurges at the expense of national priorities.
Public funds are being deployed to ensure logistics and hospitality for delegates are in order, but not to line the pockets of politically connected contractors or to create showpieces for the benefit of international television cameras.
It is a functional approach, not an egotistical one.
Moreover, the political environment in Madagascar ahead of the summit is one of relative openness.
Opposition politicians, civic groups, and human rights defenders are not being rounded up in the name of “security.”
There is no wave of arrests or intimidation campaigns against dissenting voices, as Zimbabwe infamously carried out before the Harare summit.
In Zimbabwe’s case, the hosting of the 44th SADC Summit became an excuse to tighten repression.
Over a hundred activists were detained, opposition leaders were harassed, and peaceful protests were banned – all under the guise of “protecting the dignity” of the summit.
The difference could not be clearer.
Madagascar appears to fully appreciate that the SADC chairmanship is a purely rotational position, passed from one member state to another on an annual basis, and not a prize awarded for exceptional governance or national achievement.
This understanding has kept the government from inflating the event into a personal endorsement of President Rajoelina or a validation of his leadership.
President Rajoelina, whatever his political ambitions, is not projecting the role as a regional coronation.
Instead of framing the moment as a political triumph, Madagascar has presented it for what it is — an opportunity to facilitate regional cooperation for the year, without attempting to rewrite it as a personal victory.
The tone in Madagascar’s media reflects this maturity.
Coverage is balanced, and while the summit is recognised as an important event for the nation, it is not framed as a transformative moment for Rajoelina’s personal legacy.
Instead, the emphasis is on what the chairmanship can mean for advancing regional goals: improving transportation corridors, enhancing climate change adaptation, and boosting intra-SADC trade.
This is precisely what the role is meant to achieve.
By contrast, in Zimbabwe, the summit was framed almost exclusively as a personal triumph for President Mnangagwa.
In the run-up to the Harare gathering, state media churned out endless praise songs, touting Mnangagwa as an “iconic” regional figure.
The event was monopolised by ruling party narratives, with very little public discussion about the real policy issues on the SADC agenda.
It was as if the purpose of the summit was to validate Mnangagwa’s leadership in the eyes of Zimbabweans – and perhaps to silence growing domestic criticism – rather than to address pressing regional concerns.
Madagascar’s approach also shows respect for the intelligence and priorities of its citizens.
The government has not tried to create the illusion that the SADC chairmanship will magically transform the country’s fortunes overnight.
There are no promises that hosting the summit will bring instant jobs, endless foreign investment, or overnight prosperity.
Instead, the public conversation acknowledges that this is an important diplomatic duty but not a silver bullet for the nation’s economic challenges.
That honesty is refreshing in a region where politicians too often inflate such moments into mythical turning points.
It is worth noting that Madagascar’s current posture also avoids alienating or antagonising other SADC member states.
Zimbabwe’s over-personalisation of the chairmanship risked breeding resentment, as it blurred the line between the collective nature of the role and one man’s political ego.
In Madagascar, the SADC summit is being presented as a gathering of equals – a meeting of partners committed to regional progress – not as the stage for a single leader’s victory lap.
In a political culture where humility in leadership is often scarce, Madagascar is showing that it is possible to host such a prestigious event without turning it into an exercise in narcissism.
This should serve as a valuable lesson for other countries in the region – Zimbabwe included.
A SADC chairmanship is not a crown to be worn by a king; it is a responsibility to be carried out on behalf of the collective.
The maturity and restraint Madagascar is demonstrating should be applauded.
Next week, when the regional leaders gather in Antananarivo, the event will not be remembered for how many billboards bore Rajoelina’s face, how many opposition voices were silenced, or how much public money was wasted on luxury villas.
Instead, it will likely be remembered – at least by those paying attention – as an example of how a government can host a major regional summit with dignity, focus, and a sense of proportion.
If Zimbabwe’s government is willing to reflect honestly, it might find that this quieter, more disciplined approach is far more effective in the long term.
Grand displays fade.
Billboards come down.
Lavish villas gather dust.
But the substance of a nation’s leadership – its ability to act with restraint, fairness, and dedication to the common good – is what ultimately defines its place in the regional and international community.
Madagascar is not perfect, and its politics have their own challenges, but in the way it is preparing for the 45th SADC Summit, it is providing a timely reminder that leadership is not about theatrics.
It is about service.
And in that sense, it is showing Zimbabwe what true political maturity looks like.
● Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: [email protected], or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/
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