By Thabani Nyoni

Despite the commendable efforts by the inclusive government to be more open, accessible and engaged with its diverse citizenry albeit in very difficult circumstances, a lot still needs to be done to engage some pertinent political, economic and critical policy constituencies such as the Zimbabweans in the Diaspora. While policy consultations on certain policy issues continue to be made, there is a growing concern that the Diaspora population features more on the menu than on the table.
This is especially true considering the official proclamations from the parliamentary select committee that there is no adequate funding to meet the cost of consulting the Diaspora. To some extent this situation is understandable, considering that over 3,5 million Zimbabweans are scattered all over different cities of the world with significant numbers in South Africa, Botswana, and United Kingdom, in United States, Australia and many parts of the world.
The cost of consulting such a complex, far-flung constituency, some skilled and some unskilled, some legal and some illegal immigrants is very high. It even becomes higher if one were to consider a plethora of challenges the country faces. Governments by their very nature commit themselves to achievable and less costly undertakings.
Yet, the cost of democracy and the price of freedom have never been cheap and that is the reason why some pay for it with their lives as in the case of those, who cross the crocodile infested Limpopo to ensure that the SA Rand comes home to earn foreign currency, to send children to school and to feed hungry families. Any policy cost must be matched by the overall benefit of such individual initiatives.
Estimates suggest that there are between 2 to 3 million skilled and unskilled Zimbabweans live and work in South Africa (RSA), 112,000 in United Kingdom (UK) according 2001 Census, and this figure does not include an estimated 70,000 asylum seekers living illegally in UK! Botswana is estimated to be hosting at least 40,000 while Australia has just above 20, 000. In essence, Over 3,5 million Zimbabweans work and live outside and these constitute at least 10% of the total population and about 59% of the 5,9 million registered voters in March 29, 2008 elections.
And these are not just numbers, these are teachers, engineers, doctors, nurses, lawyers, accountants, academics, entrepreneurs and various others professionals as well as mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters who sell their unskilled labor, often under the worst of conditions to send money home to feed, clothe and educate families. The Diaspora has become a critical component of the social and political transformation of Zimbabwe.
Intentional official government initiatives to move beyond facilitating the Diaspora to vote, input into the constitution and send remittances back home are required. There is need to create a climate that allows private enterprise to grow and the citizens abroad to invest their resources and talents in rebuilding and rebranding Zimbabwe. According to the World Bank, it is estimated that last year (2009) alone, remittances by Zimbabweans in the Diaspora were anything up to US$1bn, supporting more than half of all households.
Ironically, the previous government claimed credit for saving the economy from totally collapsing. It was evident that remittances from abroad were key to keeping local Zimbabweans and their economy afloat. While Zimbabwe had no economy worth writing home about making it very difficult to calculate the percentage of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) these remittances contributed, there is urgent need for organized action, people and money for investment to provide Zimbabwe with a capital base that cannot be repatriated!
One damaging, though understandable perception that has prevented Zimbabwe from creating policies that utilize the various talents their citizenry abroad, is the official negativity around migration. That migration is the reason for the rise brain drain is not contestable. And yet the damaging outcome of this are the inaccurate conclusions that those who migrate are not patriotic citizens but sellouts that have run away to seek comfort in strange lands. When such a perception takes hold, it is easy to deny them citizenship rights like voting and other public services.
In fact, life in the Diaspora is not as rosy as it may seem, except that it does to some extent allow one to work and earn some decent living with stability not availed by policies at home; Xenophobic attacks on migrant populations in South Africa are a clear testimony that when one is abroad, one is not entirely safe. There is a certain kind of immigrant profiling and treatment that denies one certain rights and freedom given to citizens of that country. People who face such situations are really eager to come home, provided there is an intentional attempt by the home government to ensure that its policies and programs do not violate and abuse them.
Yet another negative perception arises from the fact that a greater part of this constituency is economic and political refugees and asylum seekers. A better part of these are political activists that have continued despite being refuges of conscience to the growing need to deal with the crisis in Zimbabwe. By creating powerful networks and alliances, the Diaspora has influenced a change in the policies of host countries in raising awareness of and the need to help deal with the crisis in Zimbabwe.
One of the ways of demonstrating commitment to improving governance record is a genuine engagement of this constituency. These are the same people who could play a role in rebuilding and rebranding the country especially if their political voice, and economic concerns could be acknowledged in terms of citizenship and investment. They are critical community level ambassadors of their country, especially if treated with the dignity they deserve.
Perhaps it is time for Zimbabwe to draw lessons from others. For example, there is sufficient evidence that the Indian and Chinese Diasporas have contributed to the rise to global economic powerhouses. The phenomenal growth of the economies of Asian countries, such as China, India, South Korea and to some extent Japan has been made easier by the utilization and creation of a conducive policy framework for migrant populations to invest their skills, knowledge, experience and capital back home.
The World Bank says that in 2005 remittances to developing countries, dominated by flows to China, India and Mexico, and totaled $188bn — twice the amount of aid to these countries. This undoubtedly demonstrates the potential economic and strategic value of engaging the Zimbabwean Diaspora, despite it being a very costly undertaking.
In order to change brain drain to brain gain means there is need for a genuine engagement that informs the policy framework on behalf of the Diaspora. There is also need to appreciate the changing nature of citizenship in the global context that seems to promote free movement of capital and labor across the borders. Consulting the Diaspora in their host countries should enable the policy makers to step outside the boundaries and the box since it is especially hard to think outside the box when you are inside it.
At such a time as this, every citizen or resource, within or without, is an important national building block. Globalization and technological advancement has meant that aspects of citizenship and physical presence are no longer the same. The growing access of social media tools such as skype, twitter and face book has even made citizenship engagement and open governance move beyond the limits of time and space.
Despite the costs, there are several immediate and long-term benefits of this undertaking. The growing numbers and amounts of remittances indicate that the Diaspora will soon be an additional source of development funding. Without doubt, the professionals abroad remain the basis upon which to develop a local middle class to contribute talents, skills, relationships and resources to national growth.
As numbers of African citizens grow in developed countries and begin to be organized, their power to host developed countries on policies that favor developing countries is also growing in terms of trade, aid and issues of debt. There is even greater likelihood that employment creation; development of locally funded civic movement in business, politics and humanitarian work will grow out of this constituency.
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