2010 should be Mugabe’s last year in office

Opinion — By on June 21, 2010 6:34 pm

By Mutsa Murenje

I dedicate this, my humble contribution, to all the heroes and heroines in Zimbabwe (both dead and living) who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free. I further dedicate this contribution to all who are oppressed and deprived, to all who are opposed to oppression and deprivation. These people are no doubt in agreement with me that the year 2010 should be Mugabe’s last year in office. We have suffered for far too long and it is high time Mugabe left the office of president.

Violence as inevitable in Zimbabwe

After long and anxious assessment of the Zimbabwean situation, I have reached the inevitable conclusion that violence in Zimbabwe is inevitable and as such, it is wrong and unrealistic for Zimbabweans to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time when the evil and barbaric regime of the arrogant dictator, Robert Mugabe, has met our peaceful demands with force. All else has failed, all channels of peaceful protest have been denied us and we can’t take it anymore. The regime has left us no other choice. If we can’t do it ourselves then nobody will do it for us and this takes us to my next point-that of humanitarian intervention. 

Humanitarian intervention

Humanitarian intervention refers to armed interference in one state by another state(s) with the objective of ending or reducing the suffering of the population within the first state. The suffering maybe the result of civil war, humanitarian crisis, or crimes committed by the occupied nation (such as genocide). The goal of humanitarian intervention is neither annexation nor interference with territorial integrity but minimization of the suffering of civilians in that state. 

The claimed rationale behind such an intervention is the belief, embodied in international customary law, in a duty under certain circumstances to disregard a state’s sovereignty to preserve common humanity. In his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech on December 10, 2009, President Barack Obama of the United States supported some of the operations justified under the doctrine:

“I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That is why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace”.

The South African example-Rainbow Nation

I was chatting with a Liberian friend of mine. He made me aware of how cruel Charles Taylor was and how the war in Liberia wasted 10 years of his life. We ended up discussing a number of countries including among others-Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia, Kenya et cetera. My friend argued that countries such as Zimbabwe, Namibia and Kenya should be multiracial societies/rainbow nations because they have significant white populations.

Why not following the South African example, my friend asked. He further argued that Mugabe was foolish by chasing away white people. How couldn’t I have agreed with my friend especially on Mugabe? I agreed with him largely because I am in favour of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist government. I don’t at all support dictators. 

In addition, I am not oblivious of the fact that none of us acting alone can achieve success for no man is an island. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new Zimbabwe. We want justice for all. We want peace for all. We want bread, work, water and salt for all.

Reconciliation and National Unity

Reconciliation is a vitally important concept with a controversial pedigree. For far too long victims of human rights abuses oppose “reconciliation” because they associate it with enforced forgiveness, impunity and amnesia. In Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular, those responsible for human rights abuse, particularly those associated with Mugabe’s evil regime, have cynically invoked the concept of reconciliation as a way of avoiding responsibility for their crimes. If reconciliation is understood in this way then it should rightly be rejected. 

There is, however, a different conception of reconciliation which is important to consider. Societies that emerge from periods of mass atrocity and widespread conflict often contain deep suspicions, grievances and animosities. These divisions almost always endure post-conflict and create the potential for a return to violence and a recurrence of human rights abuse.

This is particularly true when conflicts have assumed an identity dimension in which categories such as religion, language, race or ethnicity have been used to sow division and justify human rights abuse. These divisions will not magically disappear under a new democratic order, nor will they necessarily heal with the passage of time. In some cases the electoral arithmetic of democracy can exacerbate these cleavages by delivering all political power to a majority ethnic group leaving a minority group feeling vulnerable and marginalized. 

If divisions are to be overcome, it will require a constitutional settlement that offers adequate protections and reassurances to vulnerable groups. Leaders inside and outside government will have to take proactive steps to demonstrate that democracy can serve all citizens, that peace can yield substantial dividends for all and that diversity can be a source of strength rather than conflict. If reconciliation is to be accepted it cannot amount to ignoring the past, denying the suffering of victims or subordinating the demand for accountability and redress to an artificial notion of national unity. I rest my case and I put it to you dear Zimbabweans. 

About the author: Mutsa Murenje is pursuing an MSc in Humanitarian and Refugee Studies at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

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